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Could This Be the World's Oldest Soccer Ball?

August 10, 2024

In a remarkable discovery on the island of Samothrace, a terracotta miniature has surfaced that may represent the oldest known soccer ball in history. Unearthed from Tomb S130 in the South Necropolis, part of the Sanctuary of the Great Gods, this artifact is dated to the Hellenistic period, around 275–250 BCE. This solid clay sphere, which strikingly resembles a modern leather soccer ball, provides an intriguing glimpse into the recreational activities of ancient Greece and raises the possibility that the roots of soccer-like games may extend far deeper into history than previously thought.

The artifact was discovered by an American archaeological team led by Elizabeth Dusenbury, alongside Greek archaeologist Andreas Vavritsas, who was active until his passing in 2014. The tomb, situated on a site renowned for its religious significance, yielded many fascinating objects, but none as captivating as this small, spherical object. Despite its simplicity, the terracotta ball’s design is unmistakably reminiscent of the leather balls used in modern soccer, prompting speculation about its purpose and significance in the ancient world.

Ancient Greek literature mentions the existence of leather balls, often made by inflating the bladder of a large animal, usually a pig. These balls were commonly constructed from sewn-together pieces of leather or fabric, stuffed with materials like horsehair, straw, or wool. Such balls were central to a variety of games that entertained both children and adults, suggesting that playing with a ball was a common pastime in the Hellenistic era.

The discovery of this terracotta ball in a tomb is particularly significant. It suggests that ball games were not only a form of entertainment but also held cultural or symbolic importance, perhaps even serving as a part of funerary customs or religious rites. The burial of this object alongside the deceased could imply a belief in the continuation of such activities in the afterlife, or it could symbolize a cherished memory or pastime of the individual interred.

Ball games were indeed popular in ancient Greece. Two such games, aporrhaxis and anakrousis, involved striking a ball against the ground or a wall with considerable force. The goal was to keep the ball in motion as long as possible, a concept that bears some resemblance to modern soccer, where the objective is to keep the ball in play and under control.

The terracotta ball from Samothrace thus stands as a fascinating link between the ancient and modern worlds. While it is unlikely that the ancient Greeks played a game identical to modern soccer, this artifact suggests that the basic human enjoyment of ball games has remained consistent through the millennia. The fact that this simple clay sphere bears such a strong resemblance to today’s soccer balls is a powerful reminder of the continuity of human culture and the enduring nature of play across different eras and civilizations.

As scholars continue to study this artifact, it may offer further insights into the recreational life of the ancient Greeks and perhaps even prompt a reevaluation of the origins of ball games. Could this small terracotta object from Samothrace indeed represent the world’s oldest soccer ball? While the answer remains uncertain, the discovery undoubtedly enriches our understanding of ancient Greek culture and its influence on the recreational practices that continue to shape our world today.

In Greece's Historical Period Tags D, The Archaeologist Editorial Group

Illustration by Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Kumarbi and Cronus: Shared Motifs in Near Eastern and Greek Myths

July 30, 2024

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


Kumarbi, Cronus, and the Cycle of Divine Succession: A Comparative Mythological Analysis

The connection between the Hurrian-Hittite god Kumarbi and the Greek god Cronus represents a fascinating intersection of mythological traditions, revealing how ancient narratives influenced each other across cultures and epochs. As early as the 1940s, scholars have posited that the myths within the Kumarbi Cycle can be seen as forerunners to those found in Hesiod's Theogony. This article examines the scholarly perspectives and analyses of E. O. Forrer, H. G. Güterbock, H. Otten, Gary Beckman, and others to understand the intricate relationships between these deities and their respective mythologies.

Succession Myths and Divine Power Struggles

The theme of succession among divine rulers is a central motif in both the Kumarbi Cycle and Hesiod's Theogony. E. O. Forrer, in his work "Eine Geschichte des Gotterkonigtums aus dem Hatti-reiche," highlights the thematic similarities in the narratives of Kumarbi and Cronus. Both gods are involved in dramatic power struggles characterized by the overthrow of their predecessors—Kumarbi dethrones the sky god Anu, while Cronus overthrows Uranus. This cyclical nature of divine succession underscores the ancient understanding of the impermanence and transitory nature of power among the gods.

H. G. Güterbock, in "Kumarbi. Mythen vom Churritischen Kronos," further elucidates these themes, emphasizing the parallels in the violent and dramatic conflicts that arise in both mythological traditions. Güterbock draws attention to specific narrative motifs, such as the castration of Anu by Kumarbi, which parallels the act by Cronus against Uranus. These violent acts symbolize the transfer of power and the establishment of new divine orders, reflecting broader Near Eastern traditions of kingship and authority.

The idea of succession is also supported by the similarities in the reigns of Ouranos, Cronus, and Zeus in the Greek tradition, compared to the succession of "kings in heaven" in the Hurrian myths. The common interpretation that kingship is passed from one god to another through acts of violence and usurpation is evident in both mythological frameworks, pointing to a shared cultural motif of divine power struggles.

Birth and Creation Myths: Symbolism and Parallels

The myths involving the birth of new gods from Kumarbi and Cronus are rich with symbolic meaning and narrative complexity. H. Otten, in "Mythen vom Gotte Kumarbi," examines the significant event where Kumarbi, after swallowing Anu's genitals, later gives birth to Teshub from his split skull. This myth not only signifies the continuation of the divine lineage but also the emergence of new forms of power. Otten's analysis highlights the parallels with Greek mythology, particularly the story of Cronus swallowing his children to prevent them from usurping his throne, only to be later forced to regurgitate them.

Gary Beckman, in his study "Primordial Obstetrics: The Song of Emergence," provides a detailed comparison between the birth of Teshub from Kumarbi’s split skull and the birth of Athena from Zeus's head. Beckman suggests that the narrative of Teshub's birth served as a "template" for the Greek myth, indicating a possible influence of Hurrian-Hittite traditions on Greek mythology. This comparison underscores the symbolic importance of birth and creation myths in conveying themes of wisdom, power, and the renewal of divine order.

Furthermore, Beckman expresses skepticism over whether the Greeks received all the shared elements of these myths directly from the Kumarbi cycle. He proposes that these mythological motifs might have belonged to a broader Mediterranean cultural milieu, reflecting a shared heritage of storytelling that transcends specific cultural boundaries. This perspective highlights the fluidity and adaptability of mythological themes across different cultures and contexts.

Cultural Interactions and Influences

The connections between Kumarbi and Cronus are not merely coincidental but reflect broader patterns of cultural exchange and interaction in the ancient Near East. The similarities between the myths of Kumarbi and Cronus, such as the castration of a sky god and the swallowing of a rock in place of a deity, indicate possible direct influences or shared mythological traditions.

Philo of Byblos, a Phoenician author, provides further evidence of these cultural exchanges in his "Phoenician History," which includes mythological elements that echo the narratives involving Kumarbi. Hans Gustav Güterbock has proposed that Philo might have relied on a source forming an intermediate stage between the Kumarbi Cycle and Hesiod's Theogony. However, Albert I. Baumgarten criticizes this position, arguing that the myths involved do not represent intermediary stages but rather different takes on common mythological motifs. He points out that Philo's Phoenician History lacks certain elements present in the Kumarbi Cycle, such as the challenges posed by Teshub to Kumarbi’s reign and the absence of battles against monsters.

Recent research suggests that the episode in Philo's history where Ouranos tasks Dagon with raising Damerous might constitute a non-violent adaptation of the account of Teshub’s origin as the son of both Anu and Kumarbi. This adaptation reflects the dynamic nature of mythological narratives and their capacity to be reinterpreted in different cultural contexts.

Comparative Mythological Framework

The comparative analysis of Kumarbi and Cronus by scholars such as Forrer, Güterbock, Otten, and Beckman contributes to a broader understanding of ancient mythologies and their interconnectedness. The succession myths, birth and creation stories, and broader patterns of cultural exchange reveal a shared heritage of storytelling that shaped the mythological landscapes of the ancient Near East and Greece.

Carolina López-Ruiz, in her analysis, notes that despite the differences, Hesiod's Theogony represents the Greek reception of the Kumarbi Cycle. She points out a closer parallel in an Orphic theogony from the Derveni papyrus, where Zeus castrates Ouranos, swallows his genitals, and becomes impregnated with the cosmos. This narrative better reflects the succession from Anu to Kumarbi, illustrating how mythological motifs were adapted to emphasize different aspects of divine power and creativity.

López-Ruiz also highlights further Orphic myths that include the castration of Cronus by Zeus and the swallowing of Phanes, showing the continued evolution and reinterpretation of these themes in Greek mythology. These adaptations underscore the influence of Near Eastern mythological traditions on Greek religious thought and the broader cultural exchanges that facilitated the transmission of these stories.

Implications for Understanding Ancient Mythologies

The study of the connection between Kumarbi and Cronus has significant implications for our understanding of ancient mythologies. It highlights the importance of cross-cultural comparisons in revealing the shared elements and distinctive features of different mythological traditions. By recognizing common themes and narrative structures, scholars can better appreciate the complexities and nuances of ancient myths and the ways in which they reflect the cultural, religious, and political landscapes of their respective societies.

Moreover, the research on Kumarbi and Cronus underscores the dynamic nature of mythology, where stories and motifs are continually reshaped and recontextualized in response to changing cultural contexts. This fluidity and adaptability of mythological narratives demonstrate the enduring relevance and power of myths in shaping human understanding of the world and the divine.

Conclusion

The connection between Kumarbi and Cronus, as explored by scholars, reveals a rich tapestry of shared themes and narrative motifs that highlight the interconnectedness of ancient mythological traditions. Through the comparative study of succession myths, birth and creation stories, and the broader patterns of cultural exchange, these scholars have provided valuable insights into the complex relationships and influences that shaped the mythologies of the ancient Near East and Greece. This analysis not only deepens our understanding of individual myths but also underscores the universal themes that continue to resonate across cultures and time.

In Anatolia, Mesopotamia, Greece's Historical Period Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Interwoven Deities: The Cross-Cultural Influences on Ancient Greek Gods

July 29, 2024

Ancient Greek mythology and religion, often regarded as the cornerstones of classical antiquity, were not created in isolation. Instead, they were significantly influenced by and shared elements with other ancient cultures. This cultural exchange is evident in the similarities between Greek gods and their counterparts in other ancient civilizations, such as the Luwians, Hittites, Hurrians, and Egyptians. Examining these connections through gods like Apollo, Ares, Zeus, Aphrodite, Dionysus, and Hera reveals a rich tapestry of shared mythological traditions and the dynamic interactions that shaped ancient religious landscapes. These influences, visible through similarities in names and attributes, highlight the complex and interconnected nature of ancient mythologies.

Apollo (Appaliunas)

In Greek mythology, Apollo is one of the most revered and multifaceted deities, known as the god of the sun, music, healing, and prophecy, among other things. He embodies the ideal of the kouros, the beardless, athletic youth, and is often depicted with a lyre or bow. Apollo had a significant impact on many facets of Greek culture, including the arts, medicine, and the well-known Oracle at Delphi, where many people sought out his prophetic abilities. His duality as a god of both healing and plague illustrates the complex nature of divine power in Greek thought.

The Hittite and Lycian deity Appaliunas is believed to be an early form of Apollo, suggesting that his worship might have roots predating Greek civilization. Apaliunas appears in Hittite texts, indicating a shared or borrowed tradition of solar and healing deities.

Further cementing the Anatolian connection is Apollo's Homeric epithet Λυκηγενης, which translates to "born in Lycia." Lycia was a region in Anatolia, and this epithet offers a clear geographic link to Apollo's origins. The fact that such an epithet exists and is attached to Apollo underscores the weight of the argument that Apollo's veneration was brought to Greece from Anatolian traditions.

The connection between Apollo and Apaliunas underscores the cross-cultural exchanges in the ancient Near East. The etymology of "Apollo" in Greek is uncertain, but the similarity in names points to an interaction between Hittite and Greek religious practices. This blend of influences highlights how Greek mythology was not developed in isolation but was part of a broader tapestry of ancient mythological traditions.

Ares (IYARRI)

Ares, the Greek god of war, is known for his aggressive and tumultuous nature, embodying the brutal and chaotic aspects of warfare. Unlike his sister Athena, who represents strategic warfare and wisdom, Ares is associated with the raw violence and bloodlust of battle. He is often depicted as a fierce and fearsome figure, whose presence on the battlefield is both feared and loathed. Despite his prominent role in mythology, Ares was not widely worshipped and was often overshadowed by more favorable deities.

In Luwian mythology, Iyarri is a deity linked to warfare, sharing similarities with Ares. The resemblance in names suggests a possible cultural exchange or a shared origin. Although the Greek etymology of "Ares" remains uncertain, these parallels indicate a connection between the war gods of these ancient cultures. This overlap in martial deities reflects the interconnected nature of ancient religions and the transmission of mythological themes across regions. The depiction of war gods like Ares and Arey illustrates the universal human experience of conflict and the divine representation of martial prowess and strife.

Zeus (Dyeus, Tarhunna, and Teshub)

Zeus, the king of the Greek gods, is associated with the sky, thunder, and justice, ruling over Mount Olympus with his powerful thunderbolt. As the chief deity, he plays a central role in Greek mythology, upholding order and authority among both gods and mortals. His numerous affairs and offspring with various goddesses and mortal women signify his pervasive influence and the blending of divine and human realms.

The name "Zeus" is linked to the Proto-Indo-European deity Dyeus, the sky god, highlighting the shared linguistic and cultural heritage among Indo-European peoples. In the Hittite culture, the storm god Tarhunna (or Tarhunt) bears functional similarities to Zeus, although their names differ significantly. Tarhun, like Zeus, is a powerful deity associated with weather and sovereignty. The complex etymological path from Dyeus to Zeus reflects the intricate evolution of religious concepts and linguistic shifts over millennia. These connections underscore the deep-rooted and widespread nature of certain divine archetypes across ancient civilizations.

Aphrodite (Astart, Shaushka)

Aphrodite, the Greek goddess of love, beauty, and desire, is a central figure in Greek mythology, celebrated for her unparalleled charm and influence over both gods and mortals. She embodies the power of attraction and the complexities of romantic and sexual relationships. Aphrodite's origins are often traced to Near Eastern goddesses, reflecting the syncretic nature of ancient mythologies.

The goddess Aštart (Astarte) in the Levant and Shaushka in Hurrian and Hittite-Luwian cultures share many attributes with Aphrodite, particularly in their associations with fertility, love, and war. Shaushka, for instance, was revered as a deity of love and fertility, mirroring Aphrodite’s domain. The uncertain etymology of "Aphrodite" in Greek points to possible foreign influences, suggesting that her worship and attributes were shaped by a confluence of cultural interactions. These parallels highlight the fluidity and exchange of religious ideas across ancient civilizations, illustrating how deities could evolve and adapt to different cultural contexts.

Dionysus (osiris)

The connections between Dionysus and Osiris reveal profound commonalities in their mythological motifs, reflecting shared themes across Greek and Egyptian cultures. Both deities are associated with life, death, and rebirth, representing cycles of nature and human existence. Dionysus, the Greek god of wine, festivity, and ecstasy, is also linked to the concept of resurrection, as his myths often involve him being torn apart and reborn. This mirrors the story of Osiris, the Egyptian god of the afterlife, who is killed, dismembered, and ultimately resurrected by his wife, Isis.

Both Dionysus and Osiris are deeply connected to agricultural fertility and the cycles of growth and harvest. Dionysus is celebrated in rituals that emphasize the vine's life cycle, embodying the growth, death, and rebirth of vegetation. Similarly, Osiris is associated with the annual flooding of the Nile, which brings fertility to the land. His death and rebirth symbolize the flooding and retreating waters essential for crop growth. These agricultural associations underscore their roles as deities who ensure the sustenance and renewal of life.

The worship of Dionysus and Osiris also shares ritualistic elements that involve initiatory rites and mysteries. The Dionysian Mysteries and the Osirian rituals both include symbolic representations of death and rebirth, aimed at achieving spiritual enlightenment and eternal life. Initiates in these cults undergo symbolic deaths and rebirths, reflecting the gods' own mythological journeys. This shared motif of mystical initiation and the promise of an afterlife highlights the enduring human quest for understanding and transcending the boundaries of mortal existence through divine connection.

Herodotus, in his work "Histories," draws several parallels between the Greek god Dionysus and the Egyptian god Osiris. He notes that the rites and festivals associated with Dionysus in Greece bear a striking resemblance to those of Osiris in Egypt. Both deities are central figures in their respective mythologies, embodying themes of death and rebirth and being associated with the fertility of the land. Herodotus observed that the Egyptians believed their rituals honoring Osiris influenced the Greek celebrations of Dionysus, indicating a cultural exchange and shared religious motifs between the two civilizations.

Hera (Hebat, Isis, Arinniti, aset, Ashassarasmes, Ishassaramis, Ishara, and Ashera)

Hera, the queen of the Greek gods, is celebrated as the goddess of marriage, women, childbirth, and family. As the wife and sister of Zeus, Hera's mythology is marked by her protective and often vengeful nature, particularly towards Zeus's lovers and offspring. Her influence permeates various aspects of domestic life, making her a central figure in ensuring the sanctity and protection of marriage.

Comparable deities in other ancient cultures reflect similar attributes to Hera. Hebat, the queen of the gods in Hittite and Luwian traditions, and Arinniti, the Hittite sun goddess, both embody maternal and protective qualities akin to Hera's role. Additionally, the Luwian Ashassarasmes, Hittite Ishassaramis, Hurrian Ishara, and Hannanite Ashera all highlight the widespread motif of powerful maternal goddesses, showcasing the interconnectedness of religious traditions in the ancient Near East and Anatolia.

Išḫara on the Yazılıkaya reliefs, depicted between Allani and Nabarbi.

In Egyptian mythology, the goddesses Aset (Isis) and Hether (Hathor) parallel Hera’s domains. Isis’s protective nature and magical prowess, especially over her son Horus, and Hathor’s association with love, motherhood, and joy align with Hera's protective and nurturing roles. These cross-cultural parallels suggest that Hera's worship and attributes were shaped by a blend of indigenous Minoan and later Greek elements and broader Near Eastern and Anatolian influences, reflecting the rich tapestry of interconnected mythologies in the ancient Mediterranean world.

The study of ancient Greek gods in the context of their counterparts in other ancient civilizations underscores the interconnectedness of early religious and cultural traditions. Deities like Apollo, Ares, Zeus, Aphrodite, Dionysus, and Hera illustrate how Greek mythology was shaped by a confluence of indigenous elements and external influences from neighboring cultures such as the Hittites, Luwians, Hurrians, and Egyptians. This cross-cultural exchange enriched the Greek pantheon, embedding within it diverse attributes and narratives. Understanding these connections offers a deeper insight into the development of ancient religions and the shared human endeavor to explain the world through divine archetypes. This intricate web of interactions not only enriches our knowledge of Greek mythology but also highlights the universal themes and motifs that transcend individual cultures, reflecting the shared heritage of human civilization.

In Greece's Historical Period Tags D, The Archaeologist Editorial Group

Illustration by Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Parna of Anatolia and Greece's Parnassus: Tracing The Linguistic and Cultural Ties Between Luwians and Greeks

July 28, 2024

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


The Shared Sacredness of the word “Parna” and the Greek toponym “Parnassus”

The intriguing linguistic and cultural connections between the ancient languages of Anatolia and Greece have long been a subject of scholarly interest. One such connection is the term "parna," found in the Luwian and Carian languages, and its potential relationship to the Greek toponym "Parnassus."

The Word “Parna” in Luwian and Carian Languages

Luwian and Carian were ancient languages spoken in what is now modern-day Turkey. These languages are part of the broader Anatolian branch of the Indo-European language family, which also includes Hittite. The Luwians and Carians, like their Hittite neighbors, had rich and complex religious traditions. The term "parna" in these languages is interpreted to mean "sacred site" or "holy house," and it appears in various inscriptions and texts, often in contexts that describe sacred places or objects associated with religious worship.

The use of "parna" underscores the significance of certain locations and items in the spiritual practices of the Luwians and Carians. These inscriptions provide valuable insights into the religious life of these ancient peoples, showing how they designated and revered their sacred spaces. The contexts in which "parna" appears often relate to temples, holy objects, or locations that hold particular spiritual importance, indicating a well-developed sense of the sacred.

Furthermore, the widespread use of "parna" in religious contexts highlights the role of language in shaping and expressing cultural and religious identities. By examining how this term was used, scholars can better understand the ways in which the Luwians and Carians conceptualized their sacred spaces and practices, offering a richer picture of their belief systems and societal values.

Parnassus: The Greek Sacred Mountain

Mount Parnassus, located in central Greece, holds a significant place in Greek mythology and religion. It is famously known as the home of the Muses, the goddesses of inspiration in literature, science, and the arts. Additionally, Parnassus is closely associated with Apollo, the god of music, poetry, and prophecy. The sacred site of Delphi, situated on the southwestern slopes of Parnassus, was one of the most important religious centers in the ancient Greek world.

The mountain's significance in Greek culture is reflected in numerous myths and legends. According to one myth, Parnassus was the mountain on which Deucalion and Pyrrha, the Greek equivalents of Noah, landed after a great flood, repopulating the earth. Another legend states that the Corycian Cave on Parnassus was home to the nymphs and a place of oracular prophecy. Such stories underscore the mountain's revered status in Greek spirituality and its role as a nexus of divine activity.

The name "Parnassus" itself has intrigued linguists and historians due to its possible etymological ties to the Anatolian word "parna." This connection suggests that the ancient Greek-speaking population may have inherited or adapted the concept of sacredness from another pre-Greek-speaking native population, maybe related to the so-called Pelasgians, Minoans, or some Anatolian-speaking group that first inhabited the Greek mainland. The similarities between the two words propose a shared or borrowed concept of sacredness that transcends regional boundaries, pointing to the dynamic linguistic and cultural exchanges that shaped ancient beliefs.

Anatolian Influence on Ancient Greek Place-Names: The 'Parnassian' Language Theory

The potential link between "Parna" and "Parnassus" is not merely a linguistic curiosity but may also reflect deeper cultural boundaries between the ancient civilizations of Anatolia and Greece. Throughout history, these regions have been in close contact through trade, migration, and conflicts. Such interactions would have facilitated the exchange of religious ideas and terminology, allowing for a blending of spiritual concepts.

Evidence of these cultural connections is seen in various archaeological finds and historical records. For example, the trade routes even from the Chalcolithic period that connected Anatolia and Greece would have brought not only goods but also ideas and beliefs, fostering a milieu where sacred concepts could be shared and adapted. This blending is reflected in the similarities between the religious practices and terminologies of these ancient peoples, suggesting a common cultural heritage or mutual influence.

The potential etymological link between "parna" and "Parnassus" implies that the concept of sacredness embodied by "parna" could have influenced Greek perceptions of Parnassus as a holy place. This influence is seen in the reverence with which the Greeks regarded Mount Parnassus and its associated myths and religious practices. While direct evidence of linguistic borrowing is scarce, the shared notion of a sacred site suggests a deep and enduring linguistic connection between these ancient cultures.

Scholars have identified an Indo-European substrate language related to Luwian that influenced both ancient Greek and Anatolian languages. This language is considered responsible for the prevalence of place names ending in -ssa and -nda in western Asia Minor and -ssos and -nthos in mainland Greece. The name "Parnassos" in Greece is believed to derive from the Luwian word "parna-" with the possessive suffix "-ssa." Both Hittite and Luwian texts reference a place called Parnassa, indicating a possible connection.

Philologist Martin L. West suggested naming this unattested Anatolian language "Parnassian" and proposed that it represents a group of people who migrated from Thrace to Anatolia and Greece around 2800 BC. The distribution of these place names suggests the language was spoken during the Early Helladic II period.

Despite this, distinguishing between "Parnassian" loanwords and pre-Indo-European substrate words is challenging. Some words, like τολύπη (tolúpē), share features with Anatolian languages but lack Indo-European cognates, implying a non-Indo-European source. Researchers contend that pre-Indo-European settlers from Asia Minor may have introduced pre-Greek substrates, indicating multiple linguistic influences. While many Anatolian-origin words in Greek relate to cultural exchange rather than a substratum, the presence of these terms points to extensive linguistic interactions across the Aegean Sea.

Conclusion

The relationship between the Luwian and Carian term "parna" and the Greek toponym "Parnassus" underscores the interconnectedness of ancient civilizations. The shared concept of sacredness reflects not only linguistic parallels but also the profound cultural exchanges that shaped the religious landscapes of the ancient Mediterranean world. As scholars continue to explore these connections, we gain a deeper understanding of how ancient peoples perceived and revered the sacred spaces that defined their spiritual lives.

In unraveling these connections, we see a testament to the rich tapestry of human history, where languages and cultures intermingle and sacred concepts travel across regions and epochs. The study of "parna" and "Parnassus" offers a glimpse into the spiritual life of ancient civilizations and the ways in which they articulated and celebrated the divine, reminding us of the enduring legacy of these ancient traditions in our own cultural and religious practices today.


References

  • Beekes, Robert S. P. (2009). Etymological Dictionary of Greek.

  • Finkelberg, Margalit (2006). Greeks and Pre-Greeks: Aegean Prehistory and Greek Heroic Tradition.

  • Furnée, Edzard J. (1972). Die Wichtigsten Konsonantischen Erscheinungen Des Vorgriechischen: Mit Einem Appendix Über Den Vokalismus.

  • Mihaylova, Biliana (2012). The Pre-Greek Substratum Revisited.

  • Mylonas, George E. (1962). The Luwian Invasions of Greece.

  • Palmer, Leonard Rober. (1965). Mycenaeans and Minoans.

  • Renfrew, Colin (1998). Word of Minos: The Minoan Contribution to Mycenaean Greek and the Linguistic Geography of the Bronze Age Aegean.

  • West, Martin L. (2007). Indo-European Poetry and Myth.

In Anatolia, Aegean Prehistory, Greece's Historical Period Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Illustration by Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Common Mythological Motifs Between Typhon and Illuyanka

June 25, 2024

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


Myths of Chaos and Order: Exploring the Parallels Between Typhon and Illuyanka

The comparison between Typhon and Illuyanka reveals deep-rooted connections between Greek and Hittite mythologies. The seminal work by Walter Porzig in 1930, "Illuyankas and Typhon," drew significant attention to the striking parallels between these mythological figures, highlighting the shared themes and narrative structures that suggest a common background.

Typhon: The Greek Monstrous Challenge

Typhon, in Greek mythology, stands as one of the most formidable adversaries of the Olympian gods. According to Hesiod in "Theogony," Typhon was born from Gaia and Tartarus, intended to avenge the defeat of the Giants and Titans. His birth was a cataclysmic event, designed to disrupt the divine order established by Zeus. Typhon's challenge to Zeus represented the ultimate test of the Olympian ruler's authority, with the very cosmos hanging in the balance.

According to Hesiod, the conflict between Zeus and Typhon is a titanic struggle that shakes the very fabric of the universe. Zeus, armed with his thunderbolt, ultimately prevails, casting Typhon into Tartarus. This victory symbolizes the triumph of order over chaos, a recurrent theme in Greek mythology. Various sources, including Homer and later poets like Pindar and Aeschylus, expand on this myth, adding layers of complexity and regional variations to Typhon's narrative.

In alternative accounts, such as the one found in the "Homeric Hymn to Apollo," Typhon is presented as a son of Hera, produced in a cave in Cilicia. This version emphasizes Typhon's monstrous nature and his confinement in a liminal space, further associating him with the ancient and enigmatic forces that the Olympian gods sought to control. The motif of Zeus's temporary defeat and subsequent recovery of his "sinews" highlights the cyclical nature of myth, where even the greatest gods face challenges that reaffirm their power through overcoming adversity.

Illuyanka: The Hittite Serpent of Chaos

In Hittite mythology, Illuyanka is a serpentine dragon that embodies chaos and disorder, much like Typhon. The myth of Illuyanka, preserved in cuneiform tablets found at Hattusa, the Hittite capital, unfolds in two primary versions. Both versions involve the storm god Tarhunna (or Teshub) facing and ultimately overcoming Illuyanka, often with the aid of trickery and assistance from other deities.

In the first version, Tarhunna, after an initial defeat, seeks the help of the goddess Inara. She devises a plan involving a banquet to lure Illuyanka out of his lair, enabling Tarhunna to bind and kill the dragon. This narrative echoes the Greek myth in its depiction of the storm god's struggle against a serpentine embodiment of chaos, requiring not only brute strength but also cunning to achieve victory.

The second version introduces the motif of bodily mutilation and restoration, with Illuyanka stealing Tarhunna's eyes and heart. Tarhunna's son, born to a mortal woman, marries Illuyanka's daughter and retrieves the stolen organs as part of a marriage arrangement. This version culminates in a final battle where Tarhunna, now restored, kills Illuyanka but at the cost of his son's life, adding a tragic dimension to the myth. This motif of bodily dismemberment and recovery parallels Zeus's temporary loss of power to Typhon and the subsequent restoration facilitated by allies, emphasizing the themes of sacrifice and regeneration.

The sky god kills the dragon, Illuyanka. Behind him is his son, Sarruma. The twisting body of the snake is depicted in undulating lines with human figures sliding along Museum of Anatolian Civilizations, Ankara, Turkey

Georges Jansoone self-photographed

Shared Themes and Narrative Structures

The myths of Typhon and Illuyanka exhibit several shared motifs that suggest a common mythological framework. Both Typhon and Illuyanka represent primal chaos, challenging the divine order established by the storm gods, Zeus and Tarhunna. The struggle between these gods and their serpentine adversaries symbolizes the perennial conflict between order and chaos, a theme prevalent in many mythological traditions.

One significant motif is the initial defeat of the storm god, which underscores the formidable nature of the adversary and sets the stage for a dramatic comeback. In both myths, the storm god requires assistance to overcome the chaos monster—Zeus receives help from Hermes and Aegipan, while Tarhunna is aided by Inara and Hupasiyas. This collaborative effort highlights the interconnectedness of divine forces in maintaining cosmic order.

Another common element is the use of trickery and cunning to defeat the monster. In the Hittite myth, Inara's banquet lures Illuyanka into a vulnerable position, while in the Greek myth, Zeus's allies help him regain his sinews. This theme of cunning complementing strength underscores the multifaceted nature of divine power.

The motif of bodily mutilation and restoration is also prominent. Illuyanka's theft of Tarhunna's eyes and heart and their subsequent recovery mirror Typhon's temporary incapacitation of Zeus by removing his sinews. The restoration of these vital organs or powers symbolizes the reestablishment of order and the resilience of the divine order against chaos.


The Multilingual Bogazköy Archive: Over 25,000 Cuneiform Tablets Containing 8 Different Languages!


Influence and Interpretation

The parallels between Typhon and Illuyanka have significant implications for understanding the transmission and transformation of mythological themes across cultures. The close similarities suggest a shared mythological heritage rooted in ancient traditions, reflecting common concerns and cosmological views.

Walter Burkert and Calvert Watkins have extensively studied these connections, also highlighting the Indo-European poetic formulas that underpin these myths. Watkins, in his work "How to Kill a Dragon," reconstructs the underlying narrative structures that reveal a deep-seated cultural continuity between Greek and Hittite myths. These studies illuminate the ways in which mythological motifs were adapted and transformed to fit the specific cultural and religious contexts of the Greeks and Hittites.

The influence of Near Eastern mythologies on Greek myth, particularly in the context of Typhon and Illuyanka, underscores the dynamic interplay of cultural exchange in the ancient world. The geographic and cultural interactions between the Hellenes and the Hittites, facilitated by regions such as Cilicia, provided fertile ground for the blending and reinterpretation of mythological themes. This cross-cultural fertilization enriches our understanding of ancient mythologies as interconnected rather than isolated traditions.

The comparison between Typhon and Illuyanka reveals a tapestry of shared mythological motifs that transcend cultural boundaries. The narratives of these monstrous adversaries reflect deep-seated themes of order versus chaos, divine struggle, and the resilience of cosmic order. Through the detailed examination of these myths, scholars like Walter Porzig, Walter Burkert, and Calvert Watkins have illuminated the intricate connections between Greek and Hittite mythologies, offering a glimpse into the shared heritage of Near Eastern mythological traditions.

These myths, rich in narrative complexity and symbolic depth, continue to captivate and inform our understanding of ancient cultures. They remind us of the universal human fascination with the forces that shape our world and the enduring power of myth to convey profound truths about the human experience.

In Greece's Historical Period, Anatolia Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Illustration by Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Celtic Inscriptions in Greek Alphabet: The Gallo-Greek Inscriptions As a Testament of Cultural Interchange

June 17, 2024

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


Celtic Voices in Greek Script: Gallo-Greek Inscriptions and Their Significance

The use of the Greek alphabet to inscribe Celtic languages presents a fascinating intersection of cultures, tracing its roots to the interactions between the Celts and the Greek colonists of Massalia (modern-day Marseille). This cross-cultural exchange left behind inscriptions that not only highlight linguistic adaptability but also provide invaluable insights into the social and religious practices of the ancient Celts. This article explores three notable examples of Gallo-Greek inscriptions, shedding light on their historical and cultural significance.

1. The Vaison-la-Romaine Inscription

σεγομαρος

ουιλλονεος

τοουτιουϲ

ναμαυσατις

ειωρου βηλη-

σαμι σοσιν

νεμητον

The first example comes from Vaison-la-Romaine, preserved in the Calvet Lapidary Museum in Avignon. This stone block features a clear and legible Gallo-Greek script, reading:

σεγομαρος ουιλλονεος τοουτιουϲ ναμαυσατις ειωρου βηλη σαμι σοσιν νεμητον

Translated, it reads: "Segomaros, son of Villū, citizen of Nîmes, offered this sacred enclosure to Belesama." (Translation by P.-Y. Lambert)

This inscription is a votive dedication, characterized by the verb ειωρου, a term found predominantly in religious contexts. The dedication is made to Belisama, the Gaulish equivalent of Minerva, indicating a syncretism between Celtic and Roman deities. Segomaros, the dedicator, explicitly mentions his origins from Nîmes (ναμαυσατις), derived from the Celtic name Nemausus. The term τοουτιουϲ translates to 'citizen,' rooted in the Celtic word touta, meaning 'tribe' or 'clan'. The νεμητον (nemeton) mentioned is understood as a sacred grove or enclosure, demonstrating the Celts' reverence for natural sanctuaries.

2. The Nîmes STONE Inscription

Discovered in 1740 and now housed in the Musée de la Romanité in Nîmes, this Doric capital bears an inscription dedicated to the Mothers of Nîmes:

[.]αρταρ/ος ι/λλανουιακος δεδε ματρεβο ναμαυσικαβο βρατουδε[

Translated, it reads: " (?)artaros son of Illanus (offered it) to the Mothers of Nîmes, (?) in gratitude, with the tithe/for the fulfilment of the vow." (Translation by P.-Y. Lambert)

This pedestal likely supported a statue, now lost, and showcases a beautifully executed inscription. The term δεδε (root: di, 'to offer') suggests a perfected act of offering. The dedicator's name is partially obscured but appears to be Martaros. The dedication is made to the ματρεβο ναμαυσικαβο, the Mother-Goddesses of Nîmes (also known as Nemausus), reflecting the widespread veneration of maternal deities in Celtic culture. The linguistic structure, which consists of a father's name and a suffix, adheres to Gaulish naming customs and exemplifies the fusion of personal and communal identity.

3. Ekilios' STONE Dedication from Collias

The third example is a dedication by Ekilios, discovered on a chalky pillar in Collias. Dating back to the mid-1st century BC, this inscription reads:

εκιλιο/c ρ[?]ουμαυ[ι]οc αν/δοουν/ναβο δ/[?]δ βρατο/[υ] δεκαν/τεν

Translated, it reads: "Ekilios, Romanos'son, gave the tithe/the ex-voto to the Ondines (?)" (Translation by X. Delamarre)

This inscription is notable for its detailed dedication formula δεδε βρατουδεκαντεν, seen in other Gallo-Greek inscriptions. Ekilios dedicates the ex-voto to the ανδοουνναβο, interpreted as divinities associated with springs or water. The formulaic expression of devotion underscores the importance of ritual offerings in Celtic religion, particularly in natural settings like springs, which were considered sacred.

4. The Gallo-Greek Stele of the Spouses of Ventabren

This beautiful stele, where we read the name written in Gallo-Greek of Venitouta, daughter of Quadrū, shows a Celtic female name whose father was probably of Latin origin but lived in a Gallic environment in the middle of the 1st century BC.

The Gallo-Greek stele of the spouses of Ventabren, preserved in the Marseille City Museum, is also a stunning artifact that illustrates the cultural amalgamation in ancient Gaul. This stele, inscribed with the name Venitouta, daughter of Quadrū, in Gallo-Greek script, dates back to the mid-1st century BC.

Venitouta's name is distinctly Celtic, while her father's name, Quadrū, suggests Latin origins, indicating a blend of Celtic and Roman identities within the same family.

Conclusion

These Gallo-Greek inscriptions are more than mere linguistic artifacts; they are windows into the vibrant and complex world of the ancient Celts. The use of the Greek alphabet signifies not only the spread of Greek influence through trade and colonization but also the adaptability and syncretism of Celtic culture. Each inscription provides a glimpse into the religious practices, social structures, and linguistic characteristics of the Gauls, enriching our understanding of their interactions with the broader Mediterranean world.

As these inscriptions become increasingly accessible through digital initiatives like the Recueil informatisé des inscriptions gauloises (RIIG, Recueil des inscriptions gauloises), our knowledge of this fascinating cultural confluence will continue to grow, shedding new light on the ancient past.

In Greece's Historical Period, Europe Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Illustration by Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Abu Simbel’s Greek Graffiti: Greek Mercenaries’ Inscriptions in Egyptian Temples

June 16, 2024


Ancient Greek Graffiti in the Temple of Abu Simbel: A Glimpse into Ancient Multi-Ethnic Military Campaigns


Graffiti is typically regarded as a modern scourge, a defacement of urban spaces that should be eradicated. However, the urge to leave a mark for posterity is far from a modern phenomenon. Evidence of this timeless human impulse can be found in the ancient Greek inscriptions carved into the Temple of Abu Simbel in Egypt, providing a fascinating glimpse into historical interactions between two great civilizations.

The Graffiti and Its Historical Context

An inscription in Greek on the left leg of the enormous statue of Ramses II at Abu Simbel describes a significant military campaign that Egyptian King Psammetichus II (Psamtik II) led in 593 BC. This campaign, which ventured into Nubia, included both Egyptian and Greek soldiers. An officer with the name Botasimto—a Hellenized version of the Egyptian name "Ba-de-Sema-Tawy," which means "the gift of the two lands"—commanded the Greek contingent. Meanwhile, the Egyptian troops were led by Ahmose, who was referred to as Amasis by the Greeks​.

The inscription is not merely an isolated historical artifact; it provides context to the military and diplomatic relations of the time. King Psammetichus II's campaign into Nubia is well-documented by ancient historians such as Herodotus, who provides an account of the pharaoh's military expeditions. The presence of Greek mercenaries in the Egyptian army underscores the extent of Greek involvement in Egyptian affairs during this period​​.

This interaction was part of a broader trend during the late 7th and early 6th centuries BC, when Egypt, under the Saite dynasty, actively engaged with the Mediterranean world. The graffiti at Abu Simbel is a testament to this period of intensified contact and exchange between Egypt and Greece, highlighting the significant role played by Greek mercenaries in Egyptian military campaigns​​.

Greek-Egyptian Relations

The relationship between Greece and Egypt is deep-rooted, with significant interactions dating back to the Bronze Age. Archaeological evidence points to contacts between Minoan Crete and Egypt as early as the 2nd millennium BC. However, the connections intensified during the 7th and 6th centuries BC, particularly under the Saite dynasty in Egypt. This period saw the kingdom of Egypt reopen itself to the wider Mediterranean world, fostering closer ties with Greek city-states such as Athens, Sparta, and Miletos​​.


Mycenaean Echoes In El-Amarna: Aegean Warriors In The Egyptian Army Of 18th Dynasty?


Greek mercenaries played a pivotal role in Egyptian military campaigns during this time. Hired for their formidable fighting skills, these mercenaries not only participated in military endeavors but also left their mark on Egyptian monuments. The graffiti at Abu Simbel is a prime example of this, offering valuable historical insights into the lives and movements of these ancient soldiers​​.

Beyond the battlefield, Greek and Egyptian interactions were multifaceted, involving trade, diplomacy, and cultural exchange. Greek city-states and islands such as Aigina, Rhodes, and Samos were active participants in this cultural interchange. Egyptian products, including amulets and pottery, were found in Greek archaeological sites, indicating a two-way flow of goods and ideas. These exchanges enriched both civilizations, leading to a period of significant cultural and economic growth​​.

Cultural Exchanges and Influences

The interactions between Greeks and Egyptians were not limited to the battlefield. There were extensive cultural exchanges that influenced both societies. Greek mercenaries often adopted local customs and intermarried with Egyptians, while Egyptian artifacts and cultural practices found their way into Greek life. Diplomatic gifts from Egyptian pharaohs to Greek sanctuaries, as well as the presence of Greek pottery and amphorae in Egypt, highlight the depth of these exchanges​.


Egyptian Statuette, Greek Inscription: The Votive Dedication Of Mercenary Pedon In Priene


One of the most significant aspects of this cultural exchange was the mutual adoption of religious and artistic practices. Greek mercenaries in Egypt, such as those who left graffiti at Abu Simbel, participated in Egyptian religious rituals and even took on Egyptian names. Similarly, Egyptian motifs and styles influenced Greek art, as seen in the hybrid designs of grave stelae from this period​.

These interactions also had a profound impact on trade. Greek traders established settlements in Egypt, and Egyptian goods, such as papyrus and grain, were exported to Greece. The Greek historian Diodorus Siculus noted that Greek and Phoenician traders had been active in Egypt since the time of Psammetichus I, further emphasizing the long-standing economic ties between the two regions​.

Conclusion

The Greek inscriptions on the Temple of Abu Simbel are a remarkable historical record, highlighting the deep connections between ancient Greece and Egypt. They remind us that the impulse to leave one's mark is a timeless aspect of human nature, transcending cultures and epochs. These ancient graffiti not only enrich our understanding of Greek-Egyptian relations but also underscore the enduring legacy of human interaction and cultural exchange.

By examining these inscriptions, we gain valuable insights into the complex web of military, economic, and cultural ties that bound these two great civilizations together. The graffiti at Abu Simbel stands as a testament to the rich and dynamic history of the ancient Mediterranean world, illustrating how interconnected our past truly is.

In Egypt's Dynastic Period, Greece's Historical Period Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Egyptian Statuette, Greek Inscription: The Votive Dedication of Mercenary Pedon in Priene

June 15, 2024

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


The discovery of the votive statue dedicated by Pedon, a Greek mercenary in the service of the pharaohs of the 26th dynasty of Egypt, offers a fascinating glimpse into the interactions between Greek and Egyptian cultures in the first half of the 6th century BC. Found in a cave near Priene in Ionia during the late 1980s and now hosted at the Hierapolis Archaeological Museum in modern Turkey, the statue is a significant artifact that highlights the mercenary activities of Greeks in ancient Egypt and their integration into Egyptian society.

Historical Context and Discovery

After the impact of the Assyrian Empire and the ascendancy of Pharaoh Psammetichus in Egypt, the Greek contacts with Egypt joined the Ionians from Minor Asia and the islands like Samos to lead these contacts. The mercenaries followed the merchants. The Ionians founded a colony in Naucratis. especially when Pharaoh was Amasis, the relations between Greeks and Egyptians became closer. Herodotus mentions Polycrates, the tyrant of Samos, who corresponded frequently with the great pharaoh.

At this time, Pedon, the son of Amphinneo, dedicated an Egyptian block statue in Priene. This headless and footless statue, measuring 21 × 17 × 17 cm, is believed to date back to the reign of Psammetichus I (664-610 BC). The pharaoh Psammetichus I is known for recruiting Greek and Carian mercenaries to stabilize and unify his kingdom. The statue's stylistic features and the inscription on its front side support this date. However, some paleographic analysis suggests it might date to the reign of Psammetichus II (595–589 BC), who also utilized Greek mercenaries during his Nubian expedition.

The Inscription and Its Significance

The inscription on the statue is bustrophedon, meaning it is written in alternating directions. This nine-line inscription follows the typical formula of dedication and includes autobiographical references. Pedon mentions the pharaoh Psammetichus and the rewards he received: a gold bracelet and a city. These gifts reflect both Egyptian and Persian royal practices, indicating the cross-cultural influences in the region.

The inscription reads:

Pedon, son of Amphinneo, dedicated me, having brought me from Egypt; and to him, the Egyptian king Psammetichus, as rewards for valor, gave a gold bracelet and a city, for his virtue.

The gifts of a gold bracelet and a city are particularly noteworthy. In Greek culture, gold bracelets were typically considered effeminate and were more associated with Persian and near-Eastern customs. The gift of a city likely refers to an administrative role or the command of a city rather than ownership, reflecting a common Egyptian practice of rewarding loyal military officers.

Cultural and Historical Implications

The presence of Greek mercenaries in Egypt during the 26th dynasty underscores the interconnectedness of the Mediterranean world in antiquity. Mercenaries like Pedon played crucial roles in the military and administrative spheres of foreign kingdoms, bridging cultural and political divides. The bilingual inscription and the statue's fusion of Greek and Egyptian cultural elements serve as additional proof of this integration.

The stylistic features of the statue, such as the absence of a dorsal pillar, crossed arms, and a trapezoidal kilt, are consistent with other statues from Psammetichus I's reign. These elements, along with the paleographic analysis, suggest that Pedon may have acquired the statue in Egypt and later inscribed it upon his return to Ionia.


Abu Simbel’s Greek Graffiti: Greek Mercenaries’ Inscriptions In Egyptian Temples


Revised Interpretation: Hellenized Egyptian Native Hypothesis

In 2019, Alessandro Piccolo suggested that, through a textual, historical, and linguistic analysis, it will be argued that Pedon was not a successful Greek mercenary in Saite Egypt, as previous scholarship stated, but rather a Hellenized Egyptian native. He suggests that such a scenario might fit better into the trends of coeval Greek-Egyptian interactions.

This interpretation suggests that Pedon, possibly an Egyptian by birth, had adopted Greek customs and language, reflecting the profound cultural exchanges occurring during this period. This perspective shifts the focus from Pedon as a foreign mercenary to a local individual deeply integrated into both Greek and Egyptian milieus, offering a more nuanced understanding of the sociopolitical dynamics in the Mediterranean world of the 7th and 6th centuries BCE.

Conclusion

The votive statue that Pedon dedicated offers a distinctive window into the life of a Greek mercenary in ancient Egypt. It illustrates the mobility of individuals and the exchange of cultural practices across the Mediterranean. The rewards given to Pedon by the Egyptian pharaoh highlight the value placed on foreign mercenaries and their significant contributions to the military and administrative domains. This artifact not only enriches our understanding of Greek-Egyptian relations but also exemplifies the complex interplay of cultures in the ancient world.

In Egypt's Dynastic Period, Greece's Historical Period Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

The most embarrassed person to ever have their name on a tombstone!

June 2, 2024

Throughout history, epitaphs have served as poignant reflections of the lives and deaths of individuals. They can be tender tributes to lost loved ones, evocative of their virtues and accomplishments, or, as in some rare cases, they can be scandalously revealing. Such is the case of the tombstone of Aphrodisios of Alexandria Troas, an artifact now housed in the Louvre, which stands out as perhaps the most embarrassing tombstone ever discovered.

A Tale of Betrayal and Tragedy

The inscription on the tombstone of Aphrodisios is a dramatic and deeply personal account that reads more like a soap opera than a solemn farewell. This epitaph, recently translated into English by Greek historian Angelos Chaniotis and brought to public attention by Roko Rumora on social media, reveals a story of betrayal, passion, and murder.

The tombstone reads:

"Passer-by, Aphrodisios is my name; I'm a citizen of Alexandria Troas and a leader of the chorus. I die a most pathetic death because of my wife, the dirty adulteress (whom Zeus will destroy). Her secret lover Lychon—a member of my own family!—slaughtered me, still in my youth. He threw me from the heights like a discus. I was twenty years old, so full of beauty, when the Moirai spun my fate and sent me as a delight to Hades."

This inscription is unique in its raw and unfiltered portrayal of personal misfortune. It leaves little to the imagination and provides a vivid picture of the dramatic end met by the young Aphrodisios.

The Context of Alexandria Troas

Alexandria Troas, an ancient city located on the Aegean coast of Anatolia, was a bustling hub of trade and culture during the Hellenistic and Roman periods. As a city with significant Greek influence, it was home to many public and cultural activities, including choruses, which Aphrodisios led. This role suggests he was a person of some standing within the community, making the scandalous nature of his death all the more shocking.

Scandal in the Ancient World

While ancient Greek and Roman epitaphs often celebrated the virtues of the deceased, this tombstone instead reveals a scandalous tale of infidelity and familial betrayal. Aphrodisios' wife, condemned as a "dirty adulteress," and her lover, Lychon, who is shockingly revealed to be a family member, are both blamed for his untimely demise. The dramatic description of Lychon throwing Aphrodisios from a height "like a discus" adds a visceral and almost cinematic quality to the account.

The epitaph's invocation of Zeus' wrath against the adulteress and the reference to the Moirai (the Fates) emphasize the dramatic and tragic elements of his story, reflecting the ancient Greek belief in the capricious and often cruel nature of fate.

An Embarrassing Legacy

What makes this tombstone particularly embarrassing is the candid and public nature of the accusation. Unlike typical epitaphs that aim to preserve the dignity and honor of the deceased, this inscription exposes a deeply personal and shameful episode for all to see. It's a stark reminder that the ancients were not so different from us in their capacity for public displays of personal grievances.

The tombstone of Aphrodisios of Alexandria Troas stands as a testament to the fact that not all epitaphs are created equal. Some serve to immortalize love and loss, while others, like this one, lay bare the most intimate and embarrassing moments of a person's life. In the case of Aphrodisios, his tombstone ensures that his tragic story of betrayal and murder will be remembered for generations to come, a lasting, albeit mortifying, legacy.

In Greece's Historical Period

Measuring the Globe: Eratosthenes’ Measurement of the Earth

May 27, 2024

Unveiling Earth's Size: The Story of Eratosthenes’ Circumference Calculation

By the 5th century B.C., the understanding that the Earth is a sphere had become widely accepted among scholars, a fact that counters the modern misconception that ancient peoples believed the Earth to be flat. One of the most remarkable contributions to this understanding was made by Eratosthenes of Cyrene, a Greek mathematician, geographer, and astronomer who is best known for his pioneering calculation of the Earth's circumference around 240 B.C.

Background and Significance

Eratosthenes' work is particularly significant, not just for the accuracy of his measurement but also for the innovative method he employed. His calculation was documented in a manuscript that has since been lost, but the technique and results have been preserved through the writings of other ancient Greek historians and scholars.

The Observation in Syene

The story begins with a well in Syene (modern-day Aswan, Egypt), which Eratosthenes learned about from travelers. This well had a unique property: at noon on the summer solstice (around June 21), the sun illuminated the entire bottom without casting any shadows, indicating that the sun was directly overhead. This observation was crucial because it provided a specific geographic point where the sun's rays were vertical.

The Measurement in Alexandria

Eratosthenes then conducted a complementary observation in Alexandria, approximately 800 kilometers (500 miles) north of Syene. On the same day and time (noon on the summer solstice), he measured the angle of the shadow cast by a stick (a gnomon). The shadow created an angle of about 7.2 degrees with the vertical, which is approximately 1/50th of a full circle (360 degrees).

Britannica

Calculating the Earth's Circumference

Understanding that the Earth is spherical, Eratosthenes reasoned that the difference in the angle of the sun’s rays between Syene and Alexandria was due to the curvature of the Earth. By knowing the distance between the two locations, which was measured by professional surveyors of the time, he could use simple geometry to calculate the Earth's circumference.

The distance between Syene and Alexandria was estimated to be about 5,000 stadia. Using the relationship that 7.2 degrees is 1/50th of a full circle, Eratosthenes multiplied the distance by 50 to arrive at the Earth's total circumference. This calculation yielded a figure of approximately 250,000 stadia. Converting this to modern units gives a range of between 24,000 and 29,000 miles, remarkably close to the actual circumference of about 24,901 miles.

Legacy and Impact

Eratosthenes' calculation was a monumental achievement in the field of geography and astronomy. It provided a concrete measurement that could be used to better understand the size of the Earth, and it demonstrated the power of scientific observation and mathematical reasoning.

His work laid the groundwork for future astronomers and geographers and solidified his reputation as one of the greatest scholars of antiquity. Eratosthenes also made significant contributions to other fields, including the development of the first known map of the world incorporating latitude and longitude lines and the creation of the "Sieve of Eratosthenes," an algorithm for finding prime numbers.

In conclusion, Eratosthenes’ measurement of the Earth's circumference stands as a testament to the advanced state of ancient Greek science and the enduring legacy of classical scholarship. His methodical approach and innovative use of observational data continue to inspire scientists and historians alike, highlighting the profound impact of early scientific inquiry on our understanding of the natural world.

In Greece's Historical Period Tags History, D

Illustration by Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Unraveling the Myth of the Trojan Horse: Historical Theories Behind the Legendary Tale

May 4, 2024

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


The Trojan Horse, a legendary icon of deceit from Greek mythology, has captivated the imaginations of historians, archaeologists, and the public for centuries. This grand tale, which is part of Homer's larger Epic Cycle, marks the end of the ten-year Trojan War and demonstrates the cunning and cunning of the Greek forces under Odysseus. But beneath the layers of myth, what could the Trojan Horse really represent? There are numerous theories that attempt to explain this enigmatic story, each with its own interpretation of archaeological findings and historical analysis.

The Literal Interpretation: A Giant Wooden Horse

The most straightforward interpretation of the Trojan Horse myth comes from Homer’s epics and Virgil's Aeneid, where it is depicted as a literal giant wooden horse used to conceal soldiers within its hollow body (Virgil, Aeneid II). This narrative has often been taken at face value in popular culture; however, scholars like Clifford Broeniman suggest that interpretations of Homer often reflect broader themes of deceit and intelligence in warfare rather than specific historical events.

'Mykonos Vase'; This Is The Oldest Depiction Of The Trojan Horse

Siege Engine Theory

The idea of the horse as a siege engine, such as a battering ram, as described by classical and modern scholars, aligns with the allegorical use of animal names for war machines in ancient texts (Fields, 2004). In ancient warfare, the use of siege engines was a common tactic to overcome fortified cities. Theories suggesting that the Trojan Horse was a metaphor for a siege engine, such as a battering ram or siege tower, provide a compelling reinterpretation of the myth. These engines, often named after animals, could symbolically represent the "horse" that breached Troy's impenetrable walls.

Earthquake: A Natural Destructor

The theory that the Trojan Horse myth represents an earthquake is supported by the geological instability of the region around Troy, known for its frequent seismic activities that could have led to the city’s periodic destruction (Wood, 1985). This interpretation posits that the "horse" was a metaphor for the earth-shaking destruction that weakened Troy, which might have been seen as an act of divine intervention, thus entering the mythic narrative.

The Trojan Horse, Carnelian scarab, Etruscan, Populonia, 500 BCE–475 BCE, Met Museum.

A Trojan Ship: Naval Warfare Misinterpreted

Another innovative theory is that the "horse" was, in fact, a ship or a fleet of ships. Considering the importance of naval power in Greek military prowess, it is plausible that a surprise naval attack could have been allegorically described as a "horse," especially if the ship had a prominent horse figurehead, which was common in ancient naval design.

This nautical explanation was explored by Joaquin Ruiz de Arbulo Bayona, suggesting that the horse could symbolize a ship used in a surprise attack against Troy, possibly inspired by the Phoenician ship design known as Hippos, indicating a 'horse' that might have played a critical role in breaching the city's defenses.

Late Minoan clay seal depiction of a transport vessel with a figure of a horse superimposed. Source here.

Diplomatic Guile: The Horse as a Gift

Another layer of interpretation views the horse as a symbol of diplomatic or psychological warfare. The offering of a supposed "gift," which in reality concealed Greek soldiers, could reflect practices of ancient warfare where deceit played a crucial role in military strategy. The intricate Greek narratives, which frequently emphasize the psychological aspects of war, such as the manipulation and expectations of the enemy, further support this idea (Kershaw, 2010).

A Tapestry of Truths and Tales

The Trojan Horse myth, therefore, emerges as a multifaceted symbol enriched by its interpretations across history, from literal wooden constructs to metaphoric representations of natural disasters or naval strategies. Each interpretation reflects not only the potential historical realities of the Trojan War period but also the complex ways in which ancient Greeks viewed their world and the mechanisms of fate and warfare. As new archaeological findings come to light and scholarly interpretations evolve, the legend of the Trojan Horse continues to offer a profound insight into the intersection of myth and reality, serving as a perennial reminder of the complexities of human history and the power of storytelling.

In Aegean Prehistory, Greece's Historical Period Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Homer's Enduring Influence: Prof. Paul Cartledge Discusses the Timeless Resurgence in Modern Media

May 3, 2024

An Interview with Prof. Paul Cartledge By Richard Marranca for The Archaeologist


The Humanities are being reduced in institutions, and yet there’s a burst, a renaissance, in Hollywood and in publishing: a movie in the works, The Return (based on The Iliad), starring Ralph Fiennes as Odysseus and Juliet Binoche as Penelope, and much else. And new translations of Homer. Can you share some thoughts on this? 

All human life—and, too often, death—is there in the monumental poems that we know as the Iliad and Odyssey. The latter takes its name from its eponymous hero; it’s all about Odysseus and his trials, travels, travails and tribulations. But the former poem should really be known as the Achilleid, since its theme is the rage of Greek superhero-demigod Achilles and its ultimate assuagement and abatement. We call them ‘epics’ , meaning something grand and monumental, but epos in ancient Greek meant simply ‘word’. Some word! All 27,000 or so lines between the two of them were composed orally and then much later put down in writing in a formal, hexameter metre and in a unique dialect never actually spoken by any Greeks outside of the context of a recital.

The poems are often said to be the ‘Bible’ of the ancient Greeks, but actually the (pagan, polytheistic) Greeks didn’t have any officially recognised sacred books. And although both poems are full of gods and goddesses and their interactions, both negative and positive, with humans, they are not teaching religious dogmas. What the ancient Greeks saw in the Iliad and Odyssey were rather models of mostly individual human behavior, both to imitate and to avoid, like the plague. The muthoi (traditional stories) they told remain rattling good yarns, hence the everflowing cascade of translations or versions in various languages (Emily Wilson’s not to my personal taste; see further below) and cinematic adaptations, whether on tv or in the movies (the 2003 Troy ditto). The humanities are generally under attack, yes, so there’s all the more need to defend and champion ‘Homer’!

What is the inciting incident of The Iliad? And, in a nutshell, what is the epic about?

In nuance, the theft of Helen, Queen of Sparta, by Trojan Prince Paris, a gross breach of hospitality etiquette as well as of sexual immorality, and its attempted rectification. A theft elaborately prepared by the mythic ‘backstory’ of Paris’s ‘judgment’: between the three mighty Greek goddesses Athena, Hera and sex-goddess Aphrodite, whom, naturally, the youthful Paris decides is ‘the fairest’. So it’s really Paris, not Helen who ‘causes’ the Trojan War, though later Greeks focused far more on hers than on Paris’s guilt.

Later Greeks—but not Homer, the Homer of the Iliad. He (?) plunges into the thick of it, many years later, almost ten years to be precise, after the seduction/abduction of Helen, since the action of the Iliad is confined to a few weeks, a couple of months, in the tenth year of a (historically impossible) ten-year siege. And Homer’s narrated action is focused all around Achilles and his piqued rage, which is directed chiefly at supreme Greek commander Agamemnon, King of Mycenae and brother of Helen’s cuckolded husband Menelaus.

And The Odyssey?

Discuss! As a historian specializing in early-historical Greece, I favour the view that, apart from all the excitements and sheer picaresque narrative thrills involving ogres and monsters of many kinds, it’s mainly all about Greekness or, to be more accurate linguistically, Hellenicity. (A sidebar: in Homer, Greeks are not called Hellenes but ‘Danaans’, ‘Argives’ or ‘Achaeans’.) How to be a Hellene in a world that was rapidly changing both geographically and culturally.

It’s always been a bit of a puzzle that the epic should focus on the ruler of a petty island-kingdom on the far west of mainland Greece, but I think the reason for that choice was mainly twofold: Ithaca was as far away from Troy while still being old-Greek as it was possible to get without leaving the mainland, and an ultimate western setting reflected the fact that from about the middle of the 8th century Greek traders, adventurers and settlers were moving west, some of them permanently, to south Italy and Sicily, passing by Ithaca en route.

How old were you when you first read the Iliad and Odyssey, and who were your teachers?

A. Believe it or not, I was 8 (1955). With some pocket money or birthday money, I bought and read both epics in a ‘told to the children’ format as rendered (in prose) by Jeannie Lang (daughter of Scottish poet, novelist, and literary critic Andrew) and illustrated by W. Heath Robinson (more famous as an inventor of fantastic imaginary machines). I still have the two books. Reading about the death of Argos the dog in the Odyssey reduced me to helpless tears for half an hour. 1955 was the same year I started learning Latin. I didn’t start to learn any form of ancient Greek until I was 11, and Homeric Greek not until many years later. I had no formal teachers of Homer that I can remember until I went to university, and even then I was mostly self-taught, using ‘Autenrieth’ (Georg Autenrieth, A Homeric Dictionary for Schools and Colleges, trans. 1891) pretty much as one would try to learn ancient Greek on one’s own by using a ‘Teach Yourself Ancient Greek’ guide.

How does one teach the Iliad or Odyssey? How might one do this for students who are new to the classics?

I myself cut my homeric teeth as an Oxford undergraduate in the late 1960s, choosing to take a special option course taught by the great H. F. ‘Dolly’ Gray. At the same time as I was learning via Homer much about Greek and Near Eastern archaeology of the late Bronze and early Iron Ages, I was also’mugging up’ translations of the entirety—all 24 books—of both the Iliad and Odyssey. I cranked my reading and translating speed up to 300 lines per hour, if I remember correctly, over 50 years later. I found the latter kind of (translation) exercise less pleasurable and rewarding than the former (archeohistorical). So, pedagogically, for adult anglophone consumers, I’d recommend reading first a good, poetic translation (Prof Wilson’s will serve, even if not ideal), then immersing oneself in the ‘world’ of Homer archaeologically, then and only then, having of course first learned the letters of the ancient Greek alphabet(s), sampling a passage or two from each poem in Greek.

What do you think of Prof. Emily Wilson’s recent translation of The Iliad?

I applaud her idea of making a poetic version in principle. But if her aim is to make Homer ‘accessible’ in an equivalent version in contemporary English, albeit in metre, that aim is somewhat misplaced, even misguided. As already noted, Homer’s language is a peculiar (that is, peculiar to the epic genre) idiolect, never spoken by ‘ordinary’ Greeks in ‘ordinary’, everyday discourse. So her version of the Iliad couldn’t possibly be in any sense close to the original. In choosing ‘blank’, unrhymed iambic pentameter, she seeks not unreasonably to allude to or appeal to the example of (some of) Shakespeare, who is often related analogically to Homer in virtue of their respective cultural authority. And just as Shakespeare’s verse was that of the late 16th and early 17th century, so Wilson’s is that of the early 21st.

But to my ear, too much of ''Wilson's'verse'—unlike that of, say, Robert Fagles, not to mention Shakespeare—is not so much genuine poetry as prose divided up to look on the page like lines of verse. A prime quality of the Homeric original is that it is essentially oral—that is, it was thought, composed and transmitted orally over hundreds of years, in an age of universal Greek illiteracy, before being written down in the brand-new alphabetic script invented in the 8th century BCE. Orality dictated the key feature of formulae used for repeated types of actions (e.g. arming scenes) or repeated personal epithets; these are not so hard to reproduce. Much harder is to capture the urgent immediacy of orality for a totally different modern audience—or rather, readership.

I recall that Professor Wilson said that one way she began translating The Odyssey was to begin playing around with the Cyclopes’ chapter, to get a feel for that through the vivid character, action, violence, etc.

Before Prof Wilson became the first woman to translate the Iliad into English, she had ‘done’ an excellent Odyssey, not the first by a woman, but it rightly received many plaudits. The subject-matter of that poem, so it seems to me, lends itself more to non-poetic exposition than does that of the Iliad. The Cyclopes episode, a sort of challenge match between the semi-divine monster Polyphemus and the all-too-human Odysseus, was an excellent choice of starting-point for Prof. Wilson for all those reasons (vivid character action, violence—often spine-tingling, even horrific). The episode has had multiple, often clashingly incongruous resonances in subsequent western literature and visual arts, as was brilliantly demonstrated by Mercedes Aguirre and Richard Buxton in their recent  Cyclops: The Myth and its Cultural History (Oxford U.P., 2020).

I recall that in The Odyssey, she didn’t use the term “whores” for the women who had sex with the Suitors; she used the term “slaves.” That’s a big difference, isn’t it?

A. Yes, and no! In the ancient Greek (and Roman) world, many sex-workers were enslaved persons, so for females, the two terms ‘whores’ and ‘slaves’ would regularly have been semantically congruent. The poet or poets of the Odyssey made it abundantly clear that the female royal-household servants of Penelope and her son Telemachus were unfree and belonged to them, that is, were slaves. That they could also be regarded as ‘whores’ derived from the fact that they slept with—or were required to sleep with—some or all of the 108 suitors competing for the hand (and more) of the supposed widow of Odysseus, young men whose general lack of social finesse encompassed that particular mode of abusive sexual behaviour.

Professor Wilson’s Iliad begins thus: “Goddess, sing of the cataclysmic wrath of great Achilles, son of Peleus…”And The Odyssey: “Tell me about a complicated man.”

A. To my ear, ‘complicated’ is both somewhat bathetic, for the opening line of an epic, and somewhat anachronistic. The Homeric Greek epithet polutropos means literally ‘much-turning’ or ‘of many turns’, which can be interpreted rather flatly, as is done by Prof Wilson, or be given a knowing spin as in ‘of many wiles’, for Odysseus is above all—or much—else wily. ‘Cataclysmic’ is a great epithet, also knowing since Achilles’s rage or wrath will cause cataclysmic, though not always fatal, damage both to personal relationships among Greeks and to the Greeks’ supposed cause. But it’s not actually there in Homer’s Greek, so it’s translator’s license.

In the Translator’s Note to The Iliad, Professor Wilson writes: “Human mortality is at the center of it all.” The Iliad is about many things, such as families, the hero, war, fate, the gods, Achilles’ anger and so on, but is mortality the umbrella or DNA of the epic? 

This is surely correct: the humanities are by definition concerned with humankind’s life-chances and life-fates, and mortality captures humanness from one essential viewpoint: we humans all inevitably die. For the ancient Greeks, the gods and goddesses were precisely the not-mortals, a-thanatoi. Mortality is there in both poems: hundreds of Greeks and Trojans die in the Iliad, and all Odysseus’ men are gone before the hero regains Ithaca. But it is not the umbrella concept of either poem, though it is far more so in the Iliad than in the Odyssey. Odysseus, after all, lives literally to tell his tale—or (often tall) tales. As for Achilles, he is still very much alive and kicking at the end of the Iliad; his death will not be related until later, in a poem of the so-called Epic Cycle.

In Greece's Historical Period Tags Richard Marranca

From Thule to the Tropics: The Sea-Faring Reach of Ancient Greek Explorers

April 28, 2024

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


The Legacy of Greek Maritime Pioneers: The Widespread Maritime Exploration of the Greeks

In the annals of ancient history, few narratives are as enthralling as those of the Greek mariners, whose sails billowed on the winds of discovery and curiosity. Their intrepid voyages not only charted the physical expanses of the seas but also the unbounded potential of human endeavor. This article delves into the odysseys of six pioneering Greek explorers, whose contributions are immortalized through the fragments of history that have endured the passage of time.

Pytheas of Massalia: The Northern Voyager

In the 4th century BC, Pytheas embarked on a journey from the Greek colony of Massalia (modern-day Marseille) that would etch his name into the lore of explorers. His daring voyage to the British Isles and possibly beyond to Thule—a land shrouded in the mists of legend, thought to lie in the icy embrace of the far North—stands as a testament to his audacious spirit. The accounts of Pytheas's travels reach us through the writings of Strabo, Pliny, and Diodorus, piecing together a tale of a world far from the Mediterranean warmth, where the sun scarcely dipped below the horizon.

Strabo adds the following in Book 5: “Now Pytheas of Massilia tells us that Thule, the most northerly of the Britannic Islands, is farthest north, and that there the circle of the summer tropic is the same as the Arctic Circle”

Euthymenes of Massalia: The African Enigma

A contemporary to Pytheas, Euthymenes set his sights southward, skirting the edges of the African continent beyond the Pillars of Hercules. Though details are sparse, Strabo's geographical treatises convey images of a coast that extended into unknown territories, a narrative that challenged the Greek understanding of the world's peripheries. Euthymenes's legacy is that of a pioneer who peeled back the veil on Africa's western seaboard, long before the exploits of later Hellenistic and Roman explorers.

Eudoxus of Cyzicus: A Dream Unfulfilled

In a bid that would presage the efforts of much later adventurers, Eudoxus of Cyzicus dared to dream of a sea route around Africa. Strabo and Pliny relay his multiple attempts, although success ultimately eluded him.

After completing a pair of triumphant expeditions to India via the Red Sea under the patronage of the Egyptian ruler Ptolemy Euergetes II, the intrepid navigator set sail for Gades, known today as Cádiz in Spain. It was there that he meticulously prepared three vessels for his ambitious goal of circumnavigating the continent. Unfortunately, his inaugural voyage met with misfortune as his ship ran aground off the southern coast of Morocco. Undeterred, he embarked once more, navigating the western fringe of Africa, but this time, the sea claimed the entirety of his brave crew.

The dream of circumventing Africa's southern tip lay dormant, unchallenged again, until the dawn of the late 15th century. His ventures in the 2nd century BC served as crucial precursors to the understanding of Africa's maritime contours, a puzzle that would not be completely solved until the Age of Discovery.

Onesicritus of Astypalaia: The Fleet of the Great Alexander

Onesicritus, chronicled by Arrian and Strabo, wielded his maritime acumen in service of Alexander the Great. His voyages, particularly through the Indian Ocean, expanded the ambit of Hellenic knowledge and exemplified the fusion of exploration and empire. As Alexander's fleet commander, Onesicritus not only traversed unknown waters but also brought back accounts that would feed the Greek appetite for the wonders of the East.

The documented extent of ancient Greek exploration by sea
Source of the map: Twitter/Philoveritas

Megasthenes: The Chronicler of India

As an envoy to the Mauryan court of Chandragupta, Megasthenes's "Indica" offered the Greeks a vivid, albeit second-hand, portrait of the Indian subcontinent. His descriptions of India, though not without exaggeration, provided a mosaic of its geography, flora, fauna, and social structures. The fragments of his work, preserved in the citations of later historians, form a crucial bridge between Greek and Indian civilizations.

Nearchus: The Return from the Indus

Perhaps one of the most celebrated naval voyages of antiquity was that of Nearchus, who navigated from the mouth of the Indus River back to the Persian Gulf. Under the aegis of Alexander, Nearchus’s expedition, meticulously recounted by Arrian in "Indica," was as much a military retreat as a voyage of discovery. While his own writings are lost to time, the accounts passed down underscore the challenges and triumphs of his momentous journey.

These maritime odysseys are more than mere footnotes in history; they are enduring symbols of the Hellenic quest for knowledge and the unrelenting human drive to uncover the Earth's mysteries. With the help of starlight and ambition, the ancient Greek explorers set sail for the unknown, leaving behind a legacy that has continued to whisper to us over the centuries, encouraging us to pursue our own discoveries.

In Greece's Historical Period Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Exploring the Roots of Democracy: An Exclusive Interview with Prof. Paul Cartledge on Ancient Greek Political Directions

April 19, 2024

Directions in Democracy: Interview with Prof. Paul Cartledge. Richard Marranca for The Archaeologist


Q1. Can you define the word “democracy”? Where did it begin (and end) and how far did it spread?

A. Etymologically, the ancient Greek coinage dêmokratia (first attested c. 425 BC/E) combined dêmos and kratos. The meaning of kratos is unambiguous: power or might. The meaning of dêmos, however, is ambiguous: either ‘people’ (the people as a whole, the city or state, e.g., Athens) or the majority of the empowered (adult male citizen) people, a.k.a. the masses or (if you didn’t like them) the mob or rabble. So, ancient Greek dêmokratia could mean either ‘the power of the people’ (as in Lincoln’s ‘government of the people by the people for the people’) or the power of the masses (over both the organs of state governance and over the elite few citizens). If you were a member of the elite Few rich citizens, you might well prefer oligarchy (rule of the elite Few) to democracy, which you might see as merely mobocracy or mob-rule (further below, Q5).

Origins and spread: Some scholars have sought to identify ‘democratic’ or ‘proto-democratic’ institutions in other times and places and cultures (see further below, towards the end of this interview), but if what is taken to matter most is the power of decision-making and, as part of that, the power to call executive office-holders to account by judicial or other means, then the first democracy properly so called anywhere in the world was that of Athens, brought into being in stages during the approximately half-century between c. 508/7 and 462/1 BC/E. There were some 1000 separate political entities in Hellas (the Greek world) between about 500 and 300 BC/E; of those, perhaps a quarter, perhaps as many as half at one time or another within those two centuries experienced some form of democracy (Aristotle in his Politics treatise of c. 330 identified four main types); but pioneering Athens (which experienced three or four forms over time) was the most consistently and extensively democratic of all.

The Roman conquest of Greece in the last two centuries BC/E put an end to all forms of ancient Greek (direct) democracy. The recuperation and revival of (indirect, representative) democracy began in the 17th century in England, spread from there to the United States and France in the 18th, and more widely in the world from the end of the 19th. Full adult (women as well as men) suffrage democracy was an achievement of the 20th century. The ‘largest’ existent democracy (since 1947) is India. But all modern democracies (especially those that are democracies merely in name, e.g., the People’s Democracy of China) are representative, not direct: it is representatives (however selected, whether nominated or elected) who actually govern and rule on a day-to-day basis, not ‘the people’ (however defined) as such.

Q2. According to your brilliant, wide-ranging study, Democracy: a Life (O.U.P., NY & Oxford, new edition 2018), there are solid reasons for the invention of democracy. Can you situate us back then to show what inventions and trends in Greece, and specifically in Athenian society, led to democracy?

A. This is an exceptionally tough ask! Preconditions of what I take to be the origins of democracy at Athens (see below on Solon v. Cleisthenes) include: invention c. 700 BC/E of the polis (city-state, citizen-state), a rule-bound political entity based on a definition of the privileges and duties of citizens (always free adult males); weakening of the original rule over poleis by exclusive aristocracies (literally ‘the power of the best’, in fact of the richest and most noble families) through such factors as intermarriage between noble and non-noble families, the impoverishment of some aristocrats, and the rise of new-wealthy families due to for example success in overseas trade; the shift from long-range fighting conducted only by the most wealthy to the dominant role of infantry phalanx fighting undertaken by more middling-rich heavy-armed soldiers; and the emergence in some of the larger, more important poleis(Athens was one) of sole-ruler autocrats called ‘tyrants’ who found it helpful to dispossess or weaken the older ruling families by spreading political power more widely down to poorer, commoner citizens.

Q3. What about Greek religion, oracles and such? How was that part of the conversation on democracy? And how about science and democracy?

A. Religion, oracles, etc. Religion was never seen as a distinct sphere, separate from a secular sphere, so democratic politics was always heavily invested in and inflected by religion. Yet the Greeks had no single word for ‘religion’, but used periphrases such as ‘the things of the gods’, ‘gods’ being understood as a plural, polytheistic term embracing both gods and goddesses. The overriding goal of human relations with the divine pantheon was to keep the most relevant gods and goddesses happy, to maintain the ‘peace’ of the gods, by duly ‘acknowledging’ them through animal blood-sacrifices, prayers, festivals, etc. The democratic Athenians between them devoted more days of the year to festivals of the various divinities than did any other Greek city. All such Athenian festivals, whether national or local, were managed democratically. Likewise, all matters of religion, including oracles,. There were many Greek oracular shrines scattered throughout the Greek world (in Asia and Africa as well as Europe), but the most famous was that of Apollo at Delphi in central mainland Greece. Consultations here, both personal and state, began in the 8th century BC/E. One of the most famous episodes of the Athenian official state consultation of the Delphic Oracle occurred under the democracy in the 480s BC/E in anxious preparation to face a massive impending invasion by the empire of Persia. The Delphic priestess gave conflicting responses to different consultations, so it fell to the Assembly of the Athenians to decide which interpretation to favour and act upon. Happily, they chose correctly, built a large fleet of trireme warships, and Athens emerged victorious from the Persian Wars—and with its still-evolving democracy intact.

Science: Around 600 BCE, there emerged a tendency for a very small elite group of Greek intellectuals on both sides of the Aegean Sea to question the inherited religious worldview in favour of a more scientific, mechanistic understanding of the cosmos, how it came into being, and what it was composed of.  But it took a very long time before the role of gods and goddesses in making and determining the nature of the world was seriously challenged by any large number of citizens. The earliest thoroughgoing Greek atheists are not attested until towards the end of the 5th century BC/E, well after the introduction of democratic systems of government.

Q4. In order to understand Athenian democracy, is Solon or Cleisthenes a good starting point? Who are the major Democrats? And what were the major institutions of democracy?

A. Solon or Cleisthenes? Greeks liked the idea of ‘founding fathers’, people they called ‘legislators’ or ‘lawgivers’ and to whom they sometimes actually paid religious worship as ‘heroes’ after their deaths. The earliest of them belonged to what we call the 7th century BC/E, but some of them (e.g., Lycurgus of Sparta) were more mythical than historical. The Athenians had two rival ‘Founders’ of their democracy: the more conservative citizens looked back to Solon (c. 600 BC/E), the more radical to Cleisthenes (c. 500 BC/E). Both men belonged by wealth, family, and upbringing to the elite few, but both, like Pericles most famously later on (c. 450 BC/E), believed in giving power to the ‘People’. The question is: what kind of power, how much, and to which people? Most scholars now agree that Cleisthenes was the true founder of classical Athenian democracy. The reforms that went under his name in 508/7 included a redefinition of citizenship itself, a recalibration of relations between the central organs of governance and the local constituencies, the invention of a new council to serve as the standing committee for the Assembly, and a reorganisation of the regionally recruited and arrayed hoplite land army. Further reforms were introduced in a package proposed by Ephialtes with the support of Pericles in 462/1. But Ephialtes was murdered shortly after, in a contract killing, and rather unfairly, his name was never added to the list of ‘legislator’ founders.

Major Democrats: very few surviving writers were ideological Democrats (see further below), and none of the leading democratic politicians of Athens apart from Demosthenes (below) has left us any written works on the theme. The four most prolific extant authors on classical Greek democracy—the Athenian aristocrat Plato (c. 428–347) and his most famous pupil, originally northern Greek Aristotle (384–322), son of a royal physician; and the Athenian pamphleteers Isocrates (436-338) and Xenophon (c. 428–354)—were all non-democrats, though of these, Plato was by far the most hostile to democracy, which he saw as the rule of the ignorant, fickle, unenlightened majority over the educated, intelligent minority. Outside Athens, several tens of other Greek cities were at one time or another more or less democratic, e.g., Thebes in the 4th century BC/E, but, as at Athens, no leading democratic statesman (e.g., Epaminondas of Thebes) has left us any writings. Apart from Pericles (below) and Demosthenes, the leading Athenian democrats of different stripes included: Cleisthenes (c. 570–500), retrospectively credited as the founder of Athenian democracy as such, though he was by birth an aristocrat with a foreign (Sicyonian) mother; Cleon (??–422), the principal successor to Pericles as the most influential war politician of the 420s; and Aeschines (389–314), who lost out to Demosthenes on the major issue of resistance to the rise of the (non- and anti-democratic) kingdom of Macedon.

Institutions.

Local: At base were the 139 or 140 Attic (Athenian) demes: in order to be an active, empowered (free adult male) citizen, one had to be officially enrolled at the age of 18 on the register of the deme of one’s (citizen) father. One’s father or nearest relative swore that the 18-year-old was who he said he was and who his father was, and that his parents had been legally married when they produced him. Demes held assembly meetings, celebrated festivals, and managed military call-ups.

National/Central: The ultimate decision-making body was the ‘demos of the Athenians’, meeting regularly (at first once a month, eventually four times every 35 or 36 days) in Assembly to decide on matters put to them by a steering committee known as the Council (Boulê), a body of 500 citizens aged over 30 chosen by lot on a deme-quota basis, which was in almost permanent session throughout the civil year. Councillors counted as ‘officials’, of which there were altogether some 700 domestic and (during the last seven decades of the 5th century) a further 700 holding office abroad in what we call an Athenian ‘empire’ (though it wasn’t anything like the Persian, Roman, or British). Most officials were, like the 500 Councillors, selected by lot; only the top three executive offices, the Generals, Treasurers of Athena (Athens’s patron deity), and (in the 5th century only) the ‘Treasurers of the Greeks’, and one or two other officials (e.g., in the 4th century, the Water Commissioner), were chosen by election—partially because of the need for expertise and partly so that, if they failed or committed crimes in office, they could be brought to account through heavy fining—or worse (up to and including execution). Generals and Treasurers served on boards of 10, and almost all boards were appointed and reappointed annually. Elections were considered undemocratic or anti-democratic since they favoured notabilities, whereas the random lot encouraged, recognized, and favoured the essential contributions of ordinary citizens.

Q5. What about Greeks who didn’t like democracy? Did they see it as a precarious mob rule?

A. They did. They coined a special word, ochlokratia, meaning the power of the ochlos, or mob. An elite writer such as the historian Thucydides spoke scornfully of the ‘naval mob’, meaning that most of the Athenian citizen sailors who rowed the warfleets that were the basis of Athenian external power in the 5th century were drawn from the lower socioeconomic orders, the masses. Some fanatical Greek ultra-oligarchs, as reported by Aristotle (who was himself a moderate oligarch), even took a religious oath that they would do as much damage and harm as they possibly could to the hated poor masses of citizens! By that, they meant not only keeping them out of power by monopolising offices themselves and by making and enforcing other anti-democratic laws, but also using their monopoly power to exploit the masses economically through rack rent or other forms of debt.

Q6. You write about how Athens and its allies promoted democracy and how other powers (Sparta, Philip, Alexander, and Rome) didn’t. Were there common methods used to crush democracy?

A. It’s difficult to generalize. One of Thucydides’s major themes is stasis: civil strife (usually economic, often ideological) or outright civil war. He takes as his paradigmatic instance the outbreak on the island of Corfu (in ancient Greek, Kerkura) in 427 BC/E, in which the Athenians militarily supported the democrats and the Spartans the oligarchs. It was paradigmatic because, he says, from 427 on, stasis broke out ever more frequently throughout the Greek world, and the two great powers of the day, Athens and Sparta—who were also at the time warring enemies—would use their interventions on behalf of democrats and oligarchs in different cities as a technique of both imperial expansion and military engagement. The two typical demands of Democrats in oligarchically run cities give a clue as to the nature of the economic basis of stasis: ‘cancel debts’ (often agricultural loans or town rents) and’redistribute the land’. Most Greek cities and states were fundamentally agrarian, and the source of most oligarchs’ wealth, apart from trade, was agricultural landownership and surpluses of staple crops (cereals, olives, and wine grapes—produced for them by slaves or tenants). Oligarchs reinforced their economic superiority by making moral-cultural claims, saying that only they were the ‘good’ or ‘best’ citizens, whereas the poor Democrats were the ‘bad’ or ‘worst’.

Q7. Along with the political champions of democracy, who were the historians and authors who were on the side of democracy?

A. There were very, very few such champions! Of the historians, I’d single out Herodotus (c. 484–425), who, arguably, was a moderate democrat. When trying to explain the democratic Athenians’ unexpected victory over the Persians at the battle of Marathon in 490 BC/E, he put it down to their fundamental notion of citizen equality. (The other core concept of democracy was freedom—both freedom from and freedom to.) But even Herodotus reported scornfully that the Athenian democracy could make stupid collective decisions. Among other kinds of authors, the most prominent democrat on record is Demosthenes (384–322), super-wealthy like Pericles. His democratic views were expressed in the published versions of speeches he had delivered without a text in the Athenian Assembly meetings (held on the Pnyx hill), usually on matters of foreign policy, so that he would often contrast the (superior) Athenian democrats and democracy with their non-democratic Spartan opponents. But that didn’t stop him from also blaming the citizens of the Athenian democracy, either for being more interested in hearing speeches than taking appropriate action or (in the case of the richer citizens) failing to pay their taxes.

Q8. Was Aristotle for a mixed constitution and governing system? Is that the same kind of path as modern democracies? Is this similar to the balance of powers idea in the modern world?

A. Yes, Aristotle was for a mixed constitutional and governmental system, which he saw as a compromise between giving exclusive or preponderant power to either the rich Few or the poor Many citizens. It is and it isn’t similar to our ‘balance of powers’ notion. Similar, because it includes the idea of checks and balances between the two salient groups. Not similar, because our notion of a balance of powers depends on the prior notion of a separation of the powers of government: legislative, executive, and judicial. ancient Greeks did not hold that notion; they believed that political power-holders should exercise power in all three spheres alike, even to the point of acting in one sphere (judicial) to revise or counteract a decision they themselves had taken in another (legislative). An ancient Greek polity was seen as a strong community—strong but therefore all the more worth fighting for control over! Hence stasis; see above.

 

Q9. It was great the way you explained Pericles and the (5th-century) Golden Age (as well as Alexander the Great) on BBC’s In Our Time and in your books. Can you tell us about Pericles, his famous speeches, and his great role as a leader and promoter of democracy? Who advised him? What were his failings?

A. That’s a huge question, big enough for a whole book—there have been several life-and-times modern biographies of Pericles (c. 492-429), and I’m contemplating writing another soon! Our main surviving source is a life written by the famous Boeotian biographer Plutarch (c. 100 CE), and he had available to him many written texts that have since been lost. But he wasn’t a historian (he was mainly interested in moral character), and he didn’t know what to do with what seemed a contradiction to him, living as he did in a non- or anti-democratic age under the Roman Empire. The contradiction was that Pericles seemed to him to be, on the one hand, a true statesman who rose above sordid personal and ideological politics to act impartially for the good of the Athenians as a whole, but yet, on the other hand, just another political operator keen to achieve and maintain personal power by any means possible!

The answer to the apparent contradiction is that Pericles was probably quite a lot of both. The chief piece of evidence for his views on democracy as a governmental system and way of life is a speech that historian Thucydides wrote, based no doubt on what Pericles had actually said in a civic funeral oration in 431/0, but expressed according to Thucydides’ memory and in Thucydides’s own style of Athenian Greek. Since Thucydides was not himself a democrat (he was a somewhat moderate oligarch), it is thought that that explains why Pericles’ views expressed here are less than radically egalitarian and democratic. Pericles had a small coterie of intellectual advisers with whom he discussed and initiated policy. He regularly spoke persuasively in the Assembly before audiences of upwards of 5000 or 6,000 in the open air. But he was also a tireless backroom technocrat, particularly good at public finance, including helping to manage the public, religio-political (re)building programme on the Acropolis that produced the Parthenon temple. His one big failing was to overestimate the reserves and other resources Athens had at its disposal in 431 in order to resist the onslaught from Sparta and to underestimate the effect on morale that his strategy of mostly passive resistance would have on his people. He couldn't, of course, be blamed for failing to predict the Great Plague of Athens (from which he himself died, as did his two sons), but his policy and strategy did make the funereal effects of it much worse.

 

Q10. Did the Roman Republic (or other ancient societies) have any inkling of democracy? How about tribal or pre-political cultures? Do tribes have informal practices that can be identified as democratic?

It’s vital to distinguish between the supremely political Roman Republic and cultures that may be labelled ‘tribal’ but are certainly in key respects pre-political. This is a distinction that those who wish to assign the term ’democracy’ even to such pre-political societies, notably in Asia and Africa, fail to observe. For example, ‘primitive’ democracies have been identified in 3rd millennium BC/E Assyria or ‘traditional’ (pre-colonial) India, but in all such cases, not only is politics properly so-called absent, but the most that is permitted to ordinary ‘people’ (not of course citizens) below the (usually hereditary) tribal chief or dynastic monarch is some form or degree of ‘discussion’, but nothing approaching collective, popular decision-making power.

The Roman Republic is a special case—and a special problem—from the point of view of democracy. Its very name means, literally, the ‘popular thing’ or the ‘thing of the people’, and formally speaking, absolutely every public political decision, whether taken by vote in one other legislative or electoral assembly or in a ‘People’s’ lawcourt, was a decision of the Roman people. However, here we would do well to remember Lincoln at Gettysburg, quoted above: was the government of the U.S. ‘people’ in 1863 really, in any useful sense, democratic? The great historian Polybius, a conservative, oligarchic Greek of the 2nd century BC/E who was so much an admirer of the Roman governmental system that he attributed to it the source of Rome’s external power and empire, something of which he approved, thought that he could see a strong democratic element or elements in the Roman system, but even he categorised it overall not as a democracy but as a’mixed constitution’, the democratic elements being counterbalanced and outweighed by the oligarchic and the monarchic or residually regal. We, however, might better take our cue from another historian of Rome, the great Tacitus (c. 55–120 CE), who wrote that’mixed’ constitutions existed only in speculative theory and not in hard, material practice. For in reality, the Roman Republic was a traditional, aristocratically inflected oligarchy of wealth, in which there were no one-man, one-vote legislative, policymaking, or electoral assemblies, but state policy was determined by a handful of senior elected executives within the aristocratic-oligarchic Senate, literally a body of ‘Elders’ but actually composed of nobles and notables aged over 30, and delivered by a small body of all-powerful, non-responsible’magistrates’.

 

Q11. Was democracy too quixotic or odd for societies—from Imperial Rome to the 1600s or so—to bother with it? Was the subject too hot to handle?

A. Not, I think, too quixotic (though both Republican and Imperial Rome produced relatively few speculative, utopian political thinkers, as opposed to Cicero, the classic prophet-of-things-as-they-are, steady-state, reactionary oligarchic thinker), but, yes, too hot. Rome as an imperial power, first in Italy then throughout the Mediterranean and beyond, always followed the lead of Sparta, systematically favouring, to the extent of radically intervening militarily to impose, oligarchies of conservative, propertied aristocrats or semi-aristocrats among their subordinate ‘allies’. Imperial Rome from Augustus (27 BC/E-14 CE) on was of course an autocracy or dictatorship, no matter how hard at least the earliest Emperors tried to disguise it as a (restored) republic. For the nature of the Republic as a political system, see immediately above.

Q12. I recall a lot in your book about the Magna Carta, Machiavelli, Cromwell, Hobbes, Rousseau, Tocqueville, and more. Can you comment on some of the important aspects and people?

A. The reasons for which the object and persons you mention are included in my book vary greatly! Broadly speaking, Machiavelli, Rousseau, and Tocqueville may be invoked as democratic or proto-democratic, whereas Cromwell and Hobbes belong firmly to the anti-democratic tradition. In more detail, the Florentine Machiavelli (1469–1527), author of The Prince, was heir to a medieval Italian tradition of city-republics in which a political place was reserved for some construction of il popolo (‘the People’), but the very title of his most famous work tells us that in practice, the most he could have been hoping to achieve was moderate autocracy or dictatorship inflected in a vaguely populist direction. J-J Rousseau (1712–1778), a Swiss-French philosopher and educator, first formulated the notion of the ‘general will’, a far more democratic notion than, say, Cicero’s ‘will of the populus’. He was considered, together with Voltaire, one of the two greatest intellectual influences on the French Revolution (which had a democratic element). Alexis, count of Tocqueville (1805–1859), was the author of a brilliant, officially commissioned study that he entitled Démocratie en Amérique (1839–40). The word ‘democracy’ in its French form had been borrowed into anglophone discourse; Tocqueville repaid the compliment by emphasising the egalitarian, democratic spirit of (settler, colonial) Americans a score of years before Lincoln became the first US President to be elected, in 1860, on an explicitly anti-slaveowning ticket.

Oliver Cromwell (1599–1658) was, of course, by definition, a small republican, since he led the movement of regicide that executed King Charles I in 1649. But as Lord Protector under the shortlived English Republic (1649–1660), he showed definite authoritarian, undemocratic, and even regal tendencies. Three authors of the Republican period exemplify the fierce ideological debates that caused and were caused by the act of regicide: the poet John Milton (1608-1674) and the political theorist James Harrington (1611-1677) were both for the Republic and showed proto-democratic leanings, whereas Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679), a political philosopher, was all for the re-establishment of an all-controlling sole rule and blamed the ancient Greeks (some of them!) for being all too peskily democratic.

Magna Carta (1215 CE, sworn between King John of England and a select group of Barons) is ambiguous: a couple of its clauses, most famously the one prescribing habeas corpus, can be seen as folding without friction into more genuinely democratic regimes such as that (‘constitutional monarchy’) established by the so-called Glorious Revolution of 1688/9, but in origin and intent there is nothing democratic whatsoever about Magna Carta as such.

Q13. There is little direct democracy in Western countries, though there are many representative democracies and republics. Can you explain that?

A. The issue is tripartite: size, ideology, and technology. In the ancient Greek world, which was endowed with communications technology at a distance, democracy had to be direct. But that technological necessity was reinforced by ideology: it was believed that the people as such ought to or had to govern, both as themselves and for themselves, for a set purpose. And the combination of low technology with a belief in the virtue of direct rule was further reinforced by the very small size of ancient citizen bodies, the modal size of which is estimated to be between 500 and 2000 adult males. The ancient Athenian democratic citizen body, normally around 30,000 but sometimes increasing up to 50 or 60,000 and sometimes decreasing to 20,000 or below, was altogether exceptional, off the scale. But a normal figure for the attendance at a regular Athenian democratic assembly meeting on the Pnyx hill is thought to have been a more manageable 5 or 6,000, with 6,000 being set as the minimum required, the quorum, for valid voting on certain issues, such as the award of citizenship to a non-Athenian foreigner. Whoever/however many turned up at an Assembly meeting or at an electoral meeting were officially deemed to be ‘the people’ for legal-constitutional purposes. Likewise, any ‘People’s’ jury, selected by lot from a panel of 6,000, whether 201 or 2,501; a usual figure (as at the trial of Socrates) was 501, the large size aimed at preventing effective bribery. The Athenians were therefore perfectly able to incorporate the idea of representation into their fundamentally and definitionally direct system of democracy.

Direct democracy within the basically representative systems of contemporary (Western) democracy is understandably very rare, given all the fundamental ways—size, technology, and ideology—in which contemporary democracies differ from those of ancient Greece. There is, however, one mode of democratic political action that, as used in some modern democracies and in some (e.g., Switzerland) much more frequently than others, approximates more nearly the ancient Greeks’ direct ways of reaching political decisions, and that is the use of the plebiscite or referendum. Significantly, both of those terms have a Latin, not a Greek, etymology, since far more contemporary European and Euro-American civil and criminal law is derived from Roman than from ancient Greek law. Different democratic countries have different rules for how, on what issues, or in what form a referendum may be couched, held, and evaluated in the overall process of governance. Radical Democrats today argue that direct democracy—or elements of direct democracy—should be enhanced, for example, by incorporating it into the very lawmaking process itself. But few if any argue that a modern democracy, one in possession of nuclear weapons of mass destruction, for instance, should take advantage of the latest digital communications technology to introduce direct self-government by referendum on a daily basis.

Q14: Is there an inherent contradiction? Like this: cities and civilization created democracy. But this produces extremely powerful individuals and groups—hierarchies. What do you think?

A. Only indirectly did cities and civilization (the latter derived etymologically from the former) produce/create democracy. It is true, however, that democracy was/is a culture, a way of life, not just a system of governmental organization and popular decision-making. For instance, humans in ‘nature’ aren’t all equal, so to make equality a fundamental core democratic value is to act culturally, not naturally. Institutions, of course, take time to establish and have to be forged and tested to destruction. Humans are social beings, but they require conscious acculturation to dominant shared values. Democracy is not the work of a day. On hierarchy, see answers to Q15 and 18.

Q15. Most, if not all, organizations have one leader or an oligarchy. Would that be the case for corporations and universities too, and so on?

A. In the early 20th century, German sociologist Robert Michels promulgated his ‘Iron Law’ of oligarchy, to the effect that, no matter how democratic any large organization—or society!—might intend and proclaim itself to be, actually in time it would in practice be run oligarchically, that is, by a small group of people effectively beyond the reach and control of the ‘ordinary’ members of the organization (whether a business corporation or a university). Specialists in the history of the ancient Athenian democracy have argued vigorously—and I believe successfully—against applying any such ‘iron law’ to Athenian politics between about 500 and 320 BC/E, but they are happy to claim (and again, I agree with them) that the ‘Law’ does apply to the Roman Republic. As for modern organizations and societies, I’d say that a weak version of Michels’s Law—a lead rather than iron law, perhaps—does generally apply universally, though in some cases (Xi Jin Ping’s China, e.g.) more obviously than in others.

Q16: Is direct democracy slow and inefficient for organizations? Is it also the case that the rich and powerful (or anyone) just prefer a steady state or enlargement of their position?

Q17. One thing I’ve noticed is that powerful people on the Left make all sorts of lovely ideal announcements, but that much of it doesn’t stand for themselves but for society or “the masses” out there. Like celebrities with their private jets. Or in the USA, people who tout the equality of public schools or busing their kids to more diverse schools or affirmative action—but don’t have that for their kids, of course.

A. I think those two questions/observations can usefully be answered together. It all depends on what you mean by ‘efficiency’, and whether you’re thinking only in terms of values that can be measured quantitatively or/and of issues that can and should be evaluated qualitatively. Aristotle was surely right to give an essentially economic, class-based analysis of how power was distributed and exercised in the Greek political communities and societies he knew. I would add that that analysis can also usefully be applied universally, mutatis mutandis. On the side of values, the Funeral Speech attributed by Thucydides to Pericles (see above) contains one remarkable passage on shirkers, or what we call free riders. Such people, who fail to make their proper civic contribution to the common good, have, Pericles says, no place in democratic Athens. Again, I would suggest that that argument doesn’t apply only to an ancient democracy.

Q18. Our cousins on the evolutionary scale are prone to having alpha males; chimpanzee colonies have male leaders that rule over everyone and rule by might.Is the hierarchical nature of things (as a researcher such as Jane Goodall might say) just built into human &comparable non-human animal social life?

Sociobiologists (such as the late E.O. Wilson) and ethologists would say yes, certain tendencies—such as the aggressive struggle for alpha status—are hardwired into, say, chimpanzee colonies and, insofar as humans are evolutionarily the direct descendants of such primates, into human ‘colonies’ (polities, societies) too. Against which I, as a historian, would urge the claims of ‘culture’ or ‘nurture’ as being comparable or even superior to those of ‘nature’, from two main points of view, one ancient, one modern. From the ancient point of view, I would call in evidence again Herodotus and his pioneering histories. Running like a red thread throughout is the interpretive notion that humans, when organized politically, make strikingly different political choices, often overdetermined by considerations such as religion or warmaking. Some go for imperial autocracy (the Persians), others for democracy (some Greeks). Yet evolutionarily speaking, they were all much the same as human social beings. Likewise in modernity: in 1934, brilliant US social anthropologist and ethnographer Ruth Benedict published her Patterns of Culture, in which she examined closely three ‘cultures’ widely scattered in space and therefore unable to interact with or upon each other. Her point was: My, how different! All three were human cultures, but their underlying norms and beliefs and their attitudes and social practices were so utterly different from each other.

Q19. You mentioned digital democracy on p. 310. What are the five major qualities of democracy?

A. I’m not sure that ‘digital’ is what I would have thought of first when thinking about democracy’s major qualities, partly because digital technology is an enabling and not intrinsically a determining factor, and partly because some of the consequences of the digital revolution have been, in my view, dire for my understanding of what democracy is or could best be. Ironically, ancient Athenian democracy was also digital: votes in assembly were taken by raising the right hand, and in the lawcourts, jurors scratched on wax tablets—a longer line for the heavier penalty, a shorter line for the lighter penalty.

Five major qualities (which all have to be interpreted, cashed out, and finessed): equality (especially of respect, and of opportunity); freedom (from slavery or other external force, and freedom to participate); what’s been known – since Aristotle – as the ‘wisdom of crowds’ (some people are smarter, more committed, more persuasive etc etc than others, but – throw as many persons’ opinions as possible into the mix and the resulting compromise agreement is likely to be as good or a better decision than one achieved by just one or a few persons); democracy of necessity uniquely fosters the four cardinal virtues both individually and more especially collectively (prudence, justice, courage/fortitude, and temperance/self-control); finally, negatively, as Prime Minister Churchill memorably put it, democracy is the least worst system of governance out of all those that have so far been tried!

Q20. Lately with students I’ve been discussing literature / culture from the 1920s, Fitzgerald’s Great Gatsby, Hemingway stories, the Harlem Renaissance… We were talking about how our era shares a lot of scary stuff from the 1920s -- the rise of fascism and nationalism,militarism, economic problems, and more? Lenin started the idea of the one-party vanguard state, and although he considered that to be a form of democracy, it was anything but liberal. The governments of China and Russia and others today hate any form of, and especially liberal Western-style, democracy. How fragile are our Western democracies? Is this authoritarian or fascist streak gaining ground around the world?  

A. Very fragile, and yes, they are increasingly under threat globally, both externally and sadly, internally, from authoritarian or neofascist regimes. If I may, I would like to bring the debate much closer to home—that is, your home in the USA and mine in the UK. Was (ex-President) Donald Trump behind the January 6, 2021, insurrection and assault on the Capitol?The jury is still officially out, but the evidence is increasingly conclusive that he was. Likewise, there is surely little doubt that his other legal attempts to reverse the actual popular vote of November 2020 were similarly motivated, namely by a fierce desire not to surrender the exceptional powers entrusted to a US President in office and, above all, not to make himself vulnerable to due legal retribution for any crimes or misdemeanours he may have committed in or when seeking office. On my side of the pond, if on a far smaller scale, ex-Prime Minister Boris Johnson (trained as a classicalist) was the first PM in UK history to have been found guilty of a criminal offence and fined for it. But it is rather his reckless desire to ride roughshod over longstanding parliamentary conventions as well as over formal legal constitutional rules that concerned and still concerns me most as a Democrat. In both those individual cases, the norms, rules, and laws of democracy as currently framed seem to have triumphed. But for the future...

Q21. What about the misnamed countries with democracy in the title but which are totalitarian states? Or the democracies with antidemocratic qualities? It’s confusing out there! Can you comment on this?

A. The ‘People’s Democracies’ usually are or were not at all democratic: the People’s Republic of (Communist) China or the late and unlamented GDR (German Democratic Republic a.k.a. ‘East Germany’ – 1949–91) are classic cases. And those two are or were undemocratic for the same reason: ‘the People’ has been substituted politically by the (vanguard) Party, members of which are nominated and self-appointed and not responsible or accountable to the (real) People. To call the system ‘totalitarian’ is a rather more tricky issue conceptually, however, since the word implies that every political decision affecting individual and collective prosperity is taken centrally, hierarchically, and unidirectionally. Not even ‘absolute’ monarchs, however, actually wielded absolute power.

Q22. Overpopulation, climate change, the rise of technology, wealth inequality around the world, entertainment culture, and so on and so forth—what of those is a danger to democracy?

A. All of the above! But not only to democracy and democracies, of course. Climate change threatens us all alike with extinction. If by ‘entertainment culture’ is meant or included’social media’, then, alas, yes, the promised egalitarian and educational benefits of the online world have been overbalanced by fiercely regressive, antidemocratic exploitation.

Q23. What can each of us do to promote democracy, whether representative or direct?

A. Oscar Wilde, an Anglo-Irish writer, critic, and political activist (also classically educated), once observed that the trouble with socialism was that it took too many free evenings. Ditto democracy, or, at any rate, democratic activism. Since party politics seems to be here to stay for as long as representative democracy does, active membership in the local branch of a national political party is one obvious way to promote it. Another, purely modern way is to start and promote an online campaign, either as an individual or as hosted by an activist organization such as (in the UK) the New Citizenship Project. If by chance one’s campaign gains tens of thousands of supporters, even over 100,000, the UK government is obliged to hold an open debate on the topic, which might be a cultural-political issue such as the reunification back in Athens of all the Parthenon Marbles currently held outside (e.g., in the British Museum) or a definitionally political issue such as Brexit.

Q24. Do you have any favorite films, books, organizations, or people that promote direct democracy / democracy in general?

A. If I may interpret your question loosely: Aristophanes’s comedy Wasps (422 BC/E) is a brilliant satire on the workings of Athenian democratic justice, but its underlying message is that doing public-political community service as a juror was of the essence of being a democrat. If it’s the culture of modern democracy, its egalitarian spirit, that one is looking for, then US poet Walt (‘Leaves of Grass’) Whitman (1819–1892) and his Democratic Vistas (1871) are your men. Still, alas, of our own time and for our own time are George Orwell’s Animal Farm (1945) and 1984 (1949), which magnificently, terrifyingly, bear out Churchill’s ‘least worst’ dictum quoted above.

Q25. The future. It’s hard to see anything positive in most sci-fi literature and movies. Governments imagined there are often totalitarian and oligarchic. Do artists serve as radar—feeling and seeing something dreadful ahead? Are they warning us?

A. Apologies, but I must recuse myself here. My experience of sci-fi in any form is nugatory. But to use another analogy, independent, creative artists in all media may be likened to the topmost branches of a tree, which, in a storm, are the first to shake, bend, and even possibly break, giving advance notice of even greater change and either renewal or destruction to come down below.

In Greece's Historical Period Tags Richard Marranca

Reevaluating the Interpretation of Homosexuality in Ancient Greece Through Solon’s Laws

April 15, 2024

The topic of homosexuality in ancient Greece has long fascinated historians and scholars, prompting extensive debate and research. The societal norms and legal frameworks of the time are crucial to this discussion, particularly those that Solon, a significant Athenian statesman and legislator, put in place. His laws, often interpreted as a reflection of societal attitudes toward homosexuality, provide a valuable lens for understanding ancient Greek social ethics and legal standards.

Solon, renowned for his comprehensive reforms in Athens during the archaic period, aimed to address political, economic, and moral decline. His legislations not only sought to stabilize Athenian society but also to shape the moral fabric of the city-state. Among the various issues addressed through his laws, the treatment of homosexual practices stands out as particularly severe, suggesting a complex relationship between societal norms and personal behaviors.

It is crucial to distinguish between the modern understanding of homosexuality and the ancient Greek concept of same-sex relations. In ancient texts, the term often translated as "homosexuality" does not necessarily align with contemporary interpretations. The Greek word "paiderastia," often misconstrued in the west as indicative of homosexual activities between an adult man and a boy, more accurately refers to a form of mentorship and education, albeit with an erotic component. This relationship, structured through social norms, was distinct from the perceptions attached to "kinaidos," a term used pejoratively for men who assumed a passive sexual role, which was viewed with disdain and associated with shame.

According to the interpretation of Solon’s laws, engaging in homosexual acts could lead to severe penalties, including the loss of crucial civic rights. The prohibitions included being barred from serving on the council of nine, participating in elections, advocating for citizens, wielding power within or outside Athens, serving as a wartime emissary, expressing public opinions, entering sacred temples, participating in athletic competitions, and frequenting the agora. Violation of these laws was not only punishable by social ostracization but potentially by death.

However, the severity of these laws and their enforcement might not fully encapsulate the nuanced views of homosexuality in ancient Greek society. While Solon's legislation appears harsh, it is important to remember that legal codes often serve not only as reflections of current practices but as tools for promoting desired behaviors and discouraging others. The presence of these laws suggests a concern for the regulation of social order and the preservation of traditional values, particularly in public life.

Moreover, the artistic expressions from the same period, such as vases depicting homoerotic scenes, indicate that same-sex relationships, at least in some forms, were part of cultural representations and possibly more accepted in less formal contexts. This juxtaposition of legal strictures against a backdrop of cultural artifacts suggests a society grappling with complex attitudes towards sexuality.

In conclusion, the interpretation of Solon’s laws as purely anti-homosexual oversimplifies the historical context and ignores the multifaceted nature of ancient Greek social norms. While these laws undoubtedly imposed strict penalties on certain homosexual behaviors, their existence and enforcement reflect broader concerns about social order and moral conduct rather than a wholesale condemnation of homosexuality. This complexity invites a deeper examination of how legal, social, and cultural elements intertwined to shape the ancient Athenian attitude toward diverse sexual practices.

In Greece's Historical Period Tags The Archaeologist Editorial Group

Illustration by Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

The Decline of Pythagoreanism: Factors Leading to Its Dissolution by the 3rd Century BC

April 13, 2024

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


How did Pythagoreanism end?

Pythagoras and the Pythagorean Philosophy

Pythagoras, a seminal figure in ancient Greek philosophy, founded a movement that was part philosophical school and part religious brotherhood. Born around 570 BCE, Pythagoras traveled widely before settling in Croton, a Greek colony in southern Italy, where he established his community. His teachings combined mystical religious beliefs with philosophical inquiry, which was a novel approach at the time.

The Pythagorean philosophy was notably distinct from other contemporary Greek thoughts due to its emphasis on mathematics as a universal language and a means to understand the cosmos. Pythagoras is famously credited with the formulation of the Pythagorean theorem, a fundamental principle in geometry that states that in a right-angled triangle, the square of the hypotenuse is equal to the sum of the squares of the other two sides. However, his influence extended beyond mathematics into the realms of music, astronomy, and ethics, illustrating the interconnectedness of all things through numbers.

Pythagorean way of Life

The Pythagoreans adopted a strict, ascetic, and communal lifestyle. Followers were expected to live an anti-hedonistic life, eschewing personal luxuries and living communally as a demonstration of their detachment from the materialistic desires of earthly existence. This communal living helped foster a strong sense of brotherhood and shared purpose among the members, which was central to their identity.

Moreover, Pythagoras and his followers practiced various forms of fasting and engaged in prophecies, reflecting their belief in the possibility of accessing higher spiritual truths. Pythagoras himself was credited with unusual psychic powers, which added to his mystique and the aura of divine wisdom that surrounded him. These practices not only bonded the group but also set them apart from the mainstream of Greek social life, contributing to their distinct communal identity.

Pythagoreans celebrate sunrise

Fyodor Bronnikov

Crisis of Earthly Life and Final Confessional Attitude

The Pythagoreans viewed earthly life as a temporary phase in the soul’s journey, emphasizing the need for spiritual purification and preparation for the afterlife. This worldview was deeply influenced by the notion of the transmigration of souls, a belief that the soul moves from one body to another across different lifetimes, which Pythagoras is said to have introduced to Greek thought.

This perspective fostered a confessional attitude among his followers, where moral and spiritual integrity were paramount. The final confession, a practice where members would confess their sins or wrongdoings to the group, was a method of maintaining moral accountability and cleansing the soul, which was critical for their spiritual evolution and preparation for the next life.

Pythagoras Emerging from the Underworld, 1662, Salvator Rosa (1615-1673)

Extermination and Absorption into Broader Philosophical Trends

A combination of internal weaknesses and external pressures contributed to the decline of Pythagoreanism, which ultimately resulted in its dissolution by the third century BC. Initially, the Pythagoreans faced direct persecution and violence, most notably during the 5th century BC, when the community in Croton was attacked and dispersed following political conflicts. This pattern of persecution continued across different regions, reflecting the political and social resistance against their esoteric and influential practices. Additionally, the inherently secretive nature of the Pythagorean community, which relied heavily on oral transmission of its doctrines, made the continuity of their teachings challenging once the communities were disbanded and their members scattered. The combination of these factors led to the gradual disappearance of Pythagoreanism as a distinct entity by the end of the 3rd century. However, the legacy of Pythagorean ideas continued to influence Western thought through the frameworks of later philosophical schools, ensuring that the essence of Pythagorean thought survived even as the movement itself faded.

Over time, as Greek philosophy evolved, many central ideas of Pythagoreanism were assimilated into emerging philosophical currents, particularly into Platonism and Neoplatonism. Concepts such as the transmigration of souls and the significance of numerical patterns in understanding the universe were integrated into these broader philosophical frameworks. This integration, while ensuring the survival of Pythagorean ideas, diluted the distinct identity of Pythagoreanism as these concepts became part of a larger philosophical dialogue. Additionally, the incorrect assignment and interpretation of Pythagorean teachings led to the loss of their unique philosophical identity. This was because the original ideas were absorbed and reinterpreted within the broad development of Greek thought.

The Philosopher Pythagoras, by Pietro Longhi, 1762-1763, via AKG-Images.com

The final phase of the decline coincided with significant shifts in the philosophical and religious landscape of the ancient world. By the 3rd century AD, the philosophical focus had shifted towards more practical concerns like ethics and personal conduct under the influence of Stoicism and, subsequently, the rise of Christianity. The Christian doctrine, while incorporating some elements of Hellenistic philosophies, opposed and replaced many of the pagan philosophies, including Pythagoreanism. The rise of Christianity, combined with the earlier integration of Pythagorean concepts into dominant philosophical schools, marked the end of Pythagoreanism as a distinct and influential force in the ancient world, transitioning its legacy into the foundations of Western thought.

In Greece's Historical Period Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis, Ancient Life Lessons

Illustration by Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

The Global Vision of Alexander the Great: Conquest, Culture, and Coinage

March 31, 2024

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


The Enlightened Empire: Alexander the Great’s Economic and Cultural Strategy

In the annals of history, Alexander the Great emerges not only as a conqueror of unprecedented prowess but also as an astute ruler whose governance tactics were far ahead of his time. The legacy of his economic strategy, particularly the utilization of the immense treasure acquired from Persepolis, underscores a vision that diverged significantly from the colonialist tendencies of his era. The redistribution of these treasures across the territories he conquered, primarily through the minting of coins in quantities unprecedented in the history of mankind, laid the foundations for a model of governance that sought not only to expand his empire but also to foster the development and integration of these lands.

Upon his victory at Persepolis, Alexander seized vast amounts of gold and silver, wealth that was emblematic of the Achaemenid Empire's opulence. However, unlike many conquerors who would siphon such wealth to their homeland, Alexander envisioned a different use for this treasure. He dispatched it to Ecbatana and Susa, where it was transformed into currency. This act was not merely administrative but symbolized a revolutionary approach to conquest. By minting coins in the lands he conquered, Alexander effectively stimulated their economies, facilitating trade and integration within his expanding empire.

Cities Named Alexandria by Alexander the Great: Alexander the Great (r. 356-323 BCE) founded, reorganized, or re-established several towns and cities across his empire and gave most of them the name of Alexandria.
Illustration by Simeon Netchev

Alexander's approach to governance extended beyond economic integration. He embarked on a series of ambitious urban development projects, founding cities that bore his name and served as vital cultural and administrative centers. These cities, including the famed Alexandria in Egypt, were not merely military garrisons but hubs of Greek culture, learning, and governance. Through these urban centers, Alexander sought to disseminate Greek culture and ideals, but with a crucial caveat: he encouraged the mingling of cultures and the inclusion of local elites in the governance of these cities.

This inclusive approach is further exemplified in Alexander's army, which, over time, came to include a significant number of native Persians and other conquered peoples. By integrating these individuals into his forces, Alexander not only bolstered his military capabilities but also fostered a sense of unity and shared purpose among diverse groups. This strategy of inclusion was revolutionary, challenging the prevailing notions of ethnic superiority and exclusivity.

Tetradrachm (Coin) Portraying Alexander the Great

Alexander's policies and actions challenge the traditional narrative of the conqueror as a colonialist figure. Instead of exploiting the conquered territories, he invested in them, recognizing that the stability and prosperity of these regions were integral to the security and wealth of his empire as a whole. This perspective was emblematic of a broader vision that Alexander held for his empire: a vision of a unified and humanized world where diverse cultures could coexist and flourish under a common governance structure.

The economic and cultural strategies employed by Alexander were not merely about building an empire; they were about envisioning a new world order. By leveraging the wealth of Persepolis to empower, rather than exploit, the conquered territories, Alexander set in motion a process of cultural and economic integration that was unparalleled in the ancient world. This approach not only ensured the loyalty of his new subjects but also laid the groundwork for the Hellenistic era, a period characterized by the spread of Greek culture and the blending of Eastern and Western civilizations.

The economy of the Hellenistic period

Economic influence, sites of key resources, and trade routes during the Hellenistic Period in North Africa, southern Europe, and Middle East.

Source: The Penguin Atlas of World History Vol. 1 (p. 70) © May 25, 2004 Penguin

In conclusion, Alexander the Great's governance, particularly his economic and cultural policies, represents a unique model in the annals of history. His approach to the treasures of Persepolis and his subsequent actions reveal a leader who sought not to diminish but to enhance the lands and peoples under his domain. Through his visionary leadership, Alexander demonstrated that the true power of conquest lies not in the subjugation and exploitation of peoples but in their integration and upliftment. In this light, Alexander's empire serves as a testament to the potential of enlightened governance to reshape the world, highlighting a path towards humanization rather than domination.

In Greece's Historical Period Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Paul Sérusier, LES MYSTÉRES D´ELEUSIS, oil on canvas

The Eternal Whisper of the Eleusinian Mysteries: A Journey Through Ancient Secrecy and Sacred Rituals of Ancient Greece

March 28, 2024

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


In the heart of ancient Greece, shrouded in the mists of time and cloaked in the veil of secrecy, the Eleusinian Mysteries beckoned the souls of the initiated towards an ineffable truth. These ancient rites, celebrated in the small town of Eleusis, just a stone's throw from the bustling city-state of Athens, stood as the pinnacle of spiritual and religious life for over a millennium. The Mysteries, entwined with the poignant myth of Demeter, the goddess of agriculture, and her daughter Persephone, have left a lasting legacy, a testament to the profound spiritual yearnings and religious fervor of the ancient Greeks.

The Heartbeat of Eleusis: Demeter and Persephone

At the core of the Eleusinian Mysteries was the tale of Demeter and Persephone, a narrative that captured the cyclical nature of life and death, the eternal return, and the deep bonds of maternal love. This myth, resonating with themes of loss, grief, and ultimate reunion, served as the spiritual bedrock for the rites performed at Eleusis. The goddess Demeter, in her anguish over Persephone's abduction by Hades, brought the world to the brink of famine, showcasing the intrinsic link between divine will and the fertility of the earth.

The ritual reenactment of this myth during the Mysteries sought to immerse the initiates in the emotional and spiritual journey of Demeter, leading them through darkness and despair to the light of knowledge and understanding. This narrative was not merely a story to be told but an experiential truth to be lived and felt, an initiation into the mysteries of life, death, and rebirth.

Reconstruction of the Telesterion during the Mysteries, via Anasynthesis

The Path to Revelation: The Secret Rites of Initiation

The Eleusinian Mysteries unfolded as a complex tapestry of rituals, ceremonies, and sacred enactments, designed to prepare and then transport the initiates to a state of divine revelation. The process of initiation was arduous, requiring purification, fasting, and a series of preparatory rites that spanned several months. The culmination of these efforts was a grand procession from Athens to Eleusis, retracing the mythical journey of Demeter in search of her lost daughter.

Within the confines of the Telesterion, the great hall of mysteries in Eleusis, the initiates encountered the heart of the mystery. Amidst darkness and silence, punctuated only by the flickering of firelight, they partook of the kykeon, a sacred brew, and witnessed enactments of the sacred myths. The exact nature of these final rites remains a closely guarded secret, lost to time, but it is clear that they were transformative, designed to evoke profound emotional and spiritual awakening.

Frederic Leighton - The Return of Persephone (1891)

The Legacy of Secrecy and Sacredness

The strictness of the Eleusinian Mysteries' vow of silence means that even today, the specifics of what happened inside the Telesterion are still a mystery. This silence speaks volumes about the sacredness with which the ancient Greeks regarded the mysteries and the profound impact they had on those who underwent them. The promise of spiritual rebirth and the alleviation of the fear of death were potent forces that drew thousands to Eleusis, seeking the wisdom and comfort of the goddesses.

The Eternal Presence of Demeter

The Eleusinian Mysteries may have ceased to be practiced in the fourth century CE, their temples and altars eventually falling to ruin, but the spirit of Demeter and the essence of the mysteries linger in the collective consciousness. Mircea Eliade's recounting of the old lady on the bus near Eleusis serves as a poignant reminder of the enduring power of these ancient deities and their stories to speak to the human condition, transcending time and space.

The anaktoron within the temple of Demeter, as recreated in the videogame Assassin's Creed: Odyssey

The Eleusinian Mysteries, with their deep roots in the natural world and their soaring spiritual aspirations, remind us of the unbreakable bond between humanity and the divine. In the rituals of Eleusis, the ancient Greeks sought understanding, solace, and connection to the eternal cycles of nature and existence. Today, as we ponder the remnants of these ancient rites, we are reminded of our own search for meaning, for connection, and for the light of understanding in the shadowed places of our world.

In Greece's Historical Period Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

The Quinta Essentia: Aristotle's Mysterious Fifth Element

March 26, 2024

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


Aristotle, one of the most influential philosophers and scientists in human history, made significant contributions to a wide array of fields, including physics, biology, ethics, and political theory. However, his work in the realm of metaphysics – the study of the fundamental nature of reality – is perhaps one of his most intriguing contributions. Here, he proposed the concept of 'Quinta Essentia,' or the 'Fifth Element,' a concept that continues to fascinate scholars to this day.

Ancient Concepts of Matter

To understand the Quinta Essentia, it is necessary to first understand the ancient Greeks' understanding of matter. Long before the advent of modern chemistry and physics, the Greek philosophers posited that the universe was made up of four fundamental elements: earth, air, fire, and water. Each element was associated with a pair of the four fundamental qualities: hot, cold, wet, and dry. Earth was cold and dry, air was hot and wet, fire was hot and dry, and water was cold and wet. This theory is largely attributed to the pre-Socratic philosopher Empedocles, and it became the cornerstone of natural philosophy for centuries.

The Quinta Essentia

Aristotle, however, felt that these four elements were not enough to explain the complexity and diversity of the universe. In his view, there must be a fifth element – a Quinta Essentia or fifth essence – that existed beyond the terrestrial sphere.

This Fifth Element, according to Aristotle, was fundamentally different from the other four. While earth, air, fire, and water were subject to change and decay, the Quinta Essentia was eternal, unchanging, and incorruptible. It did not contain the contradictory qualities like hot and cold or wet and dry; it was purely itself. This quintessence was believed to be the element that made up the heavenly bodies, stars, and planets – the ethereal realm beyond our own.

The Influence of the Quinta Essentia

The concept of the Quinta Essentia had a profound impact on subsequent philosophical, religious, and scientific thought. Medieval alchemists adopted the idea, equating the Quinta Essentia with the elusive philosopher's stone, a substance thought to have the power to transmute base metals into gold and confer immortality.

In Christian philosophy, this fifth element was often associated with the divine, the soul, or the spirit. The idea that there was a substance beyond the physical that was unchanging and incorruptible fit well with Christian theology's concepts of the soul and God.

While modern atomic theory has supplanted the Aristotelian elements in the field of physics, the idea of a fundamental, indivisible, and unchanging "building block" of the universe has persisted in a new form: the atom. In this way, Aristotle's Quinta Essentia continues to echo in our modern understanding of the universe.

Conclusion

Aristotle's Quinta Essentia, or the 'Fifth Element,' represents a crucial part of ancient and medieval metaphysics. As a concept, it helped humanity grapple with the complexities of the universe and played a significant role in the development of various fields of thought. While the specifics of the theory have been replaced by modern scientific understanding, the fundamental question Aristotle was trying to answer—what is the universe made of, and how does it work?—continues to drive human inquiry into the nature of reality.

In Greece's Historical Period Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis, Ancient Life Lessons

Ancient Forebear to a Holy Visage: The 'Madonna of Aigai' and Byzantine Art

March 3, 2024

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


The "Madonna of Aigai" is a remarkable artifact that not only offers insights into the artistic conventions of the time but also provides an intriguing link between the classical art of ancient Greece and the religious iconography that would later become a staple of Byzantine culture.

The Fresco: Madonna of Aigai

The fresco referred to as the "Madonna of Aigai" hails from the Royal Macedonian Tomb at Aigai, located in Central Macedonia, Greece. Dated to the 4th century BC, this work is contemporaneous with the tumultuous period following the death of Alexander the Great and the subsequent division of his empire. The art of this era, known as the Hellenistic period, was characterized by increased expressiveness and dynamism, with a shift towards representing emotional intensity and realism in human figures.

The fresco itself is an enigmatic piece. While it is known as the "Madonna of Aigai," this title is a product of modern interpretation rather than an ancient designation. The figure depicted bears a striking resemblance to Christian images of the Virgin Mary, which were produced over a millennium later. This resemblance is particularly astounding given the secular nature of Greek art in the 4th century BC, which would not have depicted biblical figures.

The so-called “madonna” of Aigai. Detail from the grave stele of a woman, second half of 4th century BC

Evolution from Classical and Hellenistic Art to Roman and Byzantine Art

The transition from classical and Hellenistic art to Roman and subsequently Byzantine styles was neither abrupt nor homogeneous. Classical Greek art, famed for its pursuit of idealized human forms and balanced proportions, evolved during the Hellenistic period to embrace more naturalistic and individualized expressions. This period is noted for its dramatic expressions, intricate compositions, and an interest in depicting the textures of different materials.

Due to Alexander's conquests, Greek culture spread throughout the Mediterranean, blending Hellenistic artistic influences with regional customs that the Roman Empire would later inherit. Roman art borrowed heavily from the Greeks while also contributing innovations such as a greater focus on individual portraiture and the extensive use of narrative relief in architecture.

With the rise of Christianity as the state religion of the Roman Empire and the eventual shift of the empire's center to Byzantium (later known as Constantinople), a new form of religious art began to emerge. Early Christian and Byzantine art was often less concerned with naturalism and more with conveying religious ideals and theological truths. Icons, characterized by their formalism and spiritual significance, became central to Byzantine worship.

Theotokos praying icon

Timeless Transitions: The 'Madonna of Aigai' as a Precursor to Byzantine Aesthetics

The "Madonna of Aigai" serves as a visual bridge between these eras. The fresco's style—particularly the figure's frontal stance, serene countenance, and the drapery's gold highlights—foreshadows the stylistic choices of Byzantine iconography. The frontal pose and direct gaze would become hallmarks of Byzantine religious figures, intended to engage the viewer in a direct and spiritual manner. The use of gold to accentuate the drapery recalls the opulence of Byzantine art, which often utilized gold to signify divine radiance.

However, the fresco still retains elements of Hellenistic artistry. The realistic depiction of the cloth's folds and the subtle modeling of the figure's face show a level of detail and naturalism that is characteristic of the Hellenistic style. This synthesis of styles suggests that while the iconography of the Byzantine era was distinct, it did not appear in a vacuum. Instead, it was the result of a complex process of cultural and artistic fusion that spanned centuries.

The "Madonna of Aigai" is a tantalizing piece that defies simple categorization. It encapsulates the transition from the world of ancient Greece, with its human-centered art, to the spiritually focused iconography of the Byzantine era. The fresco stands as a testament to the enduring and evolving nature of art, where styles and symbols of different eras can converge in a single piece, bridging the gap between past and present, secular and sacred.

In Greece's Historical Period, Byzantine Middle Ages Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis
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