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Seal THS.1 features structured rows of abstract motifs, possibly indicating early symbolic communication. Credit: Konstantinos Sbonias, Iris Tzachili, Vasiliki Papazikou

Therasia’s 4,500-Year-Old Seal Impressions: The Earliest Known Form of Writing in the Aegean?

June 7, 2025

In a groundbreaking find on the tiny Aegean island of Therasia, archaeologists have uncovered two seal impressions on a 4,500-year-old pottery jar that may rewrite the early history of writing in the region. These impressions – stamped onto the handle of a large storage jar before it was fired – date to the Early Bronze Age (circa 2700–2300 BC). That makes them significantly older than the known scripts of Bronze Age Greece, challenging the long-held view that writing in the Aegean first emerged on Minoan Crete around 2000 BC. Some experts suggest that one of the Therasia seals might even represent the earliest evidence of a hieroglyphic-like writing system in the Aegean, predating Cretan hieroglyphs by centuries. While the researchers caution that these symbols are not writing in the strict sense, they acknowledge that the find offers an tantalizing glimpse at how organized symbols in the Cyclades could have laid cognitive groundwork for true writing.

Ancient Writing Systems of the Aegean: A Brief Background

For context, the civilizations of the Aegean Bronze Age developed writing relatively late compared to their Egyptian and Mesopotamian counterparts. The earliest known Aegean scripts appeared on Crete in the early second millennium BC – Cretan Hieroglyphic and the linear script known as Linear A – roughly around 1900–1700 BC. (Linear A was used by the Minoans and remains undeciphered, while the later Linear B script, adapted from Linear A, was used to write Mycenaean Greek in the 14th–12th centuries BC.) According to archaeological consensus, Cycladic and other Greek Bronze Age cultures before 2000 BC did not have true writing. They did, however, employ seals and symbolic marks for administrative or ownership purposes, much like other early societies. On the Greek mainland, for example, sites like Lerna have yielded clay sealings that show advanced sealing practices by the mid-3rd millennium BC. In contrast, evidence of such seals and seal impressions in the Cyclades (the islands that include Therasia) has been scarce and sporadic. This gap in the record left scholars wondering if the Cycladic people simply hadn’t developed complex symbol systems – or if we just hadn’t found them yet.

Against this backdrop, the Therasia discovery is striking. It suggests that an isolated Cycladic community was engaging in a form of symbolic record-keeping or communication long before Minoan writing blossomed. The seal impressions from Therasia come from an Early Cycladic II context (circa 3rd millennium BC), pushing the timeline of Aegean proto-writing back by several centuries. The find hints that the Cyclades, far from being culturally peripheral, may have played a foundational role in the lead-up to writing in the Aegean. As one report put it, the Cycladic islands could have sown “the intellectual seeds of writing… centuries earlier” than Crete.

The Therasia Discovery: A Bronze Age Time Capsule

The two ancient seal impressions were unearthed at a site called Koimisis on Therasia, a small volcanic island in the Santorini archipelago. During excavations of a Bronze Age settlement, a team of archaeologists led by Dr. Konstantinos Sbonias (Ionian University), along with Dr. Vassiliki Papazikou and Dr. Iris Tzachili, discovered a fragmentary pithos (large storage jar) in one of the rooms. This jar handle fragment turned out to be a time capsule: pressed into its clay surface were two distinct seal impressions, preserved perfectly since the jar was kiln-fired over four millennia ago.

Such stamped pottery is itself a rare find in Cycladic archaeology. The fact that two different seals were impressed on the same jar is even more intriguing. The impressions have been labeled THS.1 and THS.2 by the research team (with “THS” denoting Therasia). Scientific dating of the context confirms an age between 2700 and 2300 BC for the vessel and its stamps, predating any known writing system in the Aegean world. In other words, while the palaces of Crete would not see clay tablets and hieroglyphic seals for several centuries, the inhabitants of this small Cycladic island were already experimenting with marking their goods using organized symbols.

The archaeological context suggests that the jar was an imported item: petrographic analysis of the clay shows it likely came from Naxos, a larger island about 100 km away. This indicates active inter-island trade in the Early Bronze Age Cyclades. The jar may have been traded to Therasia carrying some commodity, and the seals could have been applied to denote the contents, ownership, origin, or some kind of status. The use of marked jars in commerce would be akin to a prehistoric form of branding or labeling, conveying information at a glance. It’s fascinating to imagine merchants of 2500 BC recognizing a seal mark as we recognize a logo today.

The Seal Impressions THS.1 and THS.2: Decoding Their Symbols

THS.1, the first seal impression, is by far the most extraordinary aspect of the find. Imprinted on the upper part of the jar handle, THS.1 consists of a sequence of abstract symbols arranged in what looks like three horizontal rows, almost like lines of text. The individual signs include shapes that resemble leaves, spirals, and other geometric or floral motifs. They are carved in a uniform size and aligned deliberately, creating the appearance of an inscription read in sequence. In total, there are multiple symbols repeated across this impression; the precise count is unclear due to some wear, but researchers report five to seven signs visible in each segment or “field” of the impression. The key point is that the symbols are not randomly scattered or purely decorative – they follow a deliberate order and layout.

Such an organized, repetitive layout is something very unusual for the Early Bronze Age Cyclades. As the Cambridge University study describes, THS.1 “features signs arranged in a linear sequence, creating the impression of an inscription”. In fact, the Therasia team notes that no other find from such an early Cycladic context shows a comparably structured sequence of signs. It appears that the seal used for THS.1 had multiple engraved faces (likely three sides) which were pressed in succession to create a continuous chain of symbols. Multi-faced seals – essentially a prism or stamp with more than one engraved surface – were rare in that era, which suggests that whoever wielded this seal had a special purpose in mind. The careful placement of THS.1 at the top of the handle (where it would be most visible when the jar was upright) underscores that it was meant to be seen and “read”. In essence, THS.1 looks less like a potter’s decorative flourish and more like a deliberate message in symbol form.

What might THS.1’s mysterious symbols mean? The honest answer is we don’t know – there is no Rosetta Stone for these prehistoric markings. However, archaeologists have proposed plausible functions. The linear arrangement strongly hints at a communicative purpose: perhaps the seal spelled out an owner’s name, a title, or the contents of the jar in an abstract way. Another idea is that it could be a kind of emblem or crest associated with a family or a trading group, conveying identity. The conceptual leap here is significant: THS.1 shows an attempt to use repeated symbols systematically, which scholars see as a “rudimentary communication system” – a stepping stone toward writing proper. While these symbols likely didn’t correspond to spoken words or sounds (as true writing does), they do appear to encode information beyond mere decoration. As one analysis put it, “their alignment and repetition imply a conceptual leap toward structured symbolic thought. This is a key step in the development of true writing.”

In contrast, THS.2, the second seal impression on the same handle, is of a different character. Stamped on the lower part of the handle, THS.2 bears a more traditional decorative motif typical of Early Bronze Age Cycladic art. Its design features geometric patterns – notably triangles and meandering lines – which are common on Cycladic seals and pottery. THS.2 doesn’t convey an obvious sequence or “text” but rather looks like an ornamental stamp or a marker of ownership or quality. Similar designs have been found on other islands, so this seal falls squarely in the known Cycladic glyptic (seal-carving) tradition. In essence, THS.2 likely served as a visual tag or a status symbol, perhaps indicating the maker or asserting a certain prestige, without encoding a specific message in the way THS.1 seems to.

Seal THS.2 displays decorative Cycladic motifs such as triangles and meanders, typical of the era’s aesthetic style. Credit: Konstantinos Sbonias, Iris Tzachili, Vasiliki Papazikou

The combination of both seal impressions on one object is especially enlightening. Having one seal that appears “textual” and another that is decorative on the same jar suggests a surprisingly sophisticated labeling system for such an early period. It’s as if one stamp was used to convey practical information (like content or origin) and the other to convey status or simply to beautify – a dual-purpose approach. This dual stamping implies the people of Therasia had a nuanced understanding of symbols, using them in multiple ways simultaneously. It’s a bit like how today a product might have both a barcode (for information) and a brand logo (for identity and appeal). The Therasia jar hints that even in 2500 BC, people had begun to deploy symbols in a layered fashion.

Trade, Identity, and “Proto-Writing” in the Cyclades

Why would a Cycladic island community start using such complex seal imagery? The clues lie in the interconnected world of the ancient Aegean. The fact that Therasia’s jar itself came from Naxos points to lively trade networks. Goods – whether olive oil, wine, grains, or other commodities – were moving among the islands. In such a context, seals could serve a practical need: marking containers to indicate ownership, origin, or contents. We know that in other ancient societies, administrative sealing was a precursor to writing. For example, in Mesopotamia, clay tags and cylinder seals were used to label goods long before cuneiform writing was fully developed. A similar dynamic may have been at play in the Cyclades. The Therasia seals might represent an early administrative or commercial notation system – a way to “label” a pithos so that everyone would know whose it was or what was inside, even if they couldn’t read in a literate sense.

The symbolic experimentation evident in THS.1 also had a cultural dimension. Cycladic art is famous for its stylized figurines and bold geometric patterns. The people of the Cyclades clearly ascribed meaning to visual symbols, whether in religious, personal, or economic contexts. The researchers note that multi-faceted seals like the one used for THS.1 are virtually unheard of in that era, which implies a conscious innovation. “The use of multi-faceted seals (with more than a single engraved face) was unusual at the time,” the study observes, “indicating the person who applied THS.1 aimed to communicate something more nuanced than a mere ownership mark.” In other words, the seal user on Therasia was pushing the envelope of what seal art could do – moving from simple marks towards a system of signs with its own internal syntax.

It is also telling that not long after this period, early forms of script do begin to appear on Crete. Scholars have long theorized that the idea of writing often evolves out of earlier accounting or labeling practices. The Therasia evidence fits that pattern: it sits at the nexus of trade, art, and communication. We see a community leveraging symbols for economic exchange (the jar, the trade from Naxos) and at the same time embedding those symbols with meaning and structure (the THS.1 “inscription”). This convergence of commerce and communication may have been the crucible in which writing was born. Indeed, the presence of two distinct seals on the jar – one possibly conveying functional info, the other a kind of signature or brand – suggests a society on the cusp of developing a true recording system.

Rethinking the Origins of Aegean Writing

The discovery on Therasia has profound implications for how we view the dawn of writing in the Aegean. Until now, the mainstream narrative placed the genesis of Aegean literacy on Crete, where the Minoans developed their scripts (Cretan Hieroglyphic and Linear A) in the Middle Bronze Age. The Cycladic islands, by contrast, were thought to have no part in that story – at least no direct contribution. They were often seen as secondary players who eventually fell under the cultural influence of Minoan Crete. But the Therasia seals upend this Crete-centric view. If the Cycladic people were already experimenting with quasi-script symbols centuries before the Cretan palace administrations, it suggests that the innovation of writing may have been a more distributed process across the Aegean.

Instead of a single “invention of writing” by the Minoans, we might envision multiple parallel experiments in symbolism happening in different places – with the Cyclades now emerging as a potential pioneer. Dr. Sbonias and his colleagues stop short of claiming that Therasia had a true script, but they argue that what we see at Koimisis “forms part of the cognitive and practical processes that led to the invention of writing.” In their measured view, THS.1 and similar seal impressions would represent a crucial developmental stage: not writing itself, but the missing link between simple iconography and full-fledged writing. It’s a bit like finding a proto-alphabet – something that isn’t quite an alphabet yet, but you can see how the pieces could eventually come together.

One exciting question is how this Cycladic experiment might relate to the scripts that came later. Could the Therasia symbols be an ancestor (or at least a cousin) of the Cretan Hieroglyphic signs? The orderly rows of THS.1 do bring to mind the pictographic tablets and seal stones of Minoan Crete that appear a few hundred years later. Some of the motifs – spirals or foliage-like shapes – even resemble symbols that turn up in later Cretan contexts, according to the researchers. It’s conceivable that as people moved and traded among islands, these ideas spread: the notion of using a multi-faced seal or a sequence of signs might have traveled or been reinvented on Crete, contributing to the emergence of the Minoan writing systems. If future excavations uncover more such sealings in the Cyclades, we might find direct links – for instance, a symbol on a Cycladic seal that matches one in Linear A’s repertoire. As one report noted, “If archaeologists unearth additional seals such as these, they could directly link them to the development of writing systems like Linear A and Linear B.”

At the very least, Therasia teaches us that the Cyclades were not simply passive bystanders in the story of writing. They were an active arena of innovation. The Cycladic islanders of 2500 BC were navigating a world of commerce and interaction, and in the process they were likely grappling with how to record and transmit information. This find forces historians to broaden their view and consider that the cradle of Aegean writing might not have been only the palaces of Crete, but also the small villages and trade outposts of islands like Therasia. In essence, the Aegean may have had multiple cradles of literacy.

Conclusion: A Small Island’s Big Contribution

Therasia’s Early Bronze Age seals offer a rare and illuminating snapshot of a transitional moment in human history – the moment when meaningful symbols edged closer to written language. The researchers have wisely urged caution: “the evidence from Koimisi does not support the existence of a formal script”, they explain, “it highlights the processes that led to the emergence of writing – particularly the use of seals as one of the earliest media for encoded symbolic transmission in the Aegean.” In other words, what was found on Therasia is not writing as we usually define it (there’s no alphabet or syllabary), but it is part of the story of how writing came to be. The Therasia seals show that even without a true writing system, people were already bridging the gap between art and information, using symbols with intention and consistency.

As research continues, this humble volcanic island could become a key reference point in Aegean prehistory. The Therasia seals, though limited in number, provide invaluable insight into the symbolic experimentation happening over four millennia ago. They might represent one of the earliest attempts by Aegean peoples to record meaning, assert identity, and communicate across time and space using marked signs. In a poetic sense, they are voices reaching out from 4,500 years ago, telling us that the urge to write – to make thoughts visible and permanent – was alive even in those early Cycladic communities.

The full significance of the find will become clearer if and when more examples come to light. Archaeologists are hopeful that similar seal impressions might be found at other Cycladic sites, strengthening the case that this was a broader practice and not an isolated quirk of Therasia. Each new discovery could help connect the dots between these proto-symbols and the later scripts of Minoan and Mycenaean civilization. As one commentary observed, the Therasia seals “may turn out to be a vital missing link in the story of how humans in the Aegean first began recording meaning”. It’s remarkable to think that a single jar handle, buried for millennia in volcanic soil, is now challenging us to reconsider where and how the written word was born in the Aegean. Such finds remind us that history is not a fixed script but a living draft – one that can still surprise us with new chapters from the distant past.

In Aegean Prehistory Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Divine Mother or Anatolian Priestess? Interpreting "Ma-te-re Te-i-ja" in Light of Maija Gierhart’s New Study on Linear B Tablets

June 5, 2025

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


In her 2025 Master’s thesis at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Mother Goddess or Divine Mortal? A Reconsideration of ma-te-re te-i-ja in PY Fr 1202, Maija Oline Gierhart offers a bold reinterpretation of one of the most enigmatic figures in the Linear B corpus: ma-te-re te-i-ja, recorded uniquely in the Pylos tablet PY Fr 1202. Long assumed to be a mother goddess—perhaps an early form of Demeter or even Kybele—this figure has been shrouded in scholarly speculation, often entangled in anachronistic assumptions or the urge to project later Greek religion onto Mycenaean material.

Gierhart’s thesis breaks from these inherited models. Through a careful contextual and linguistic analysis, she argues that ma-te-re te-i-ja should not be seen as a deity at all, but rather as a “divine mortal”—a priestly figure analogous to the Anatolian šiwanzanniš, a title known from Hittite texts and typically applied to queens who held ritual authority. This reinterpretation not only reconfigures our understanding of the PY Fr 1202 tablet but also situates Mycenaean religious practice within broader networks of diplomatic and cultic exchange across the Aegean and western Anatolia in the Late Bronze Age.

This article presents the main findings of Gierhart’s thesis in a clear, structured format, intended as an accessible and respectful representation of her original contribution.

Context: The Perfumed Oil Tablets from Pylos

PY Fr 1202 is part of a broader class of Linear B texts known as the Fr tablets, which detail the production and disbursement of perfumed olive oil from the palace of Pylos. These tablets, often linked to religious offerings, were economic records—administrative documents that nonetheless give precious insight into the ideological and ceremonial dimensions of Mycenaean society.

© Hellenic Ministry of Culture (HOCRED)
© The Palace of Nestor Excavations, Department of Classics, University of Cincinnati (photo by Emile Seraphis)
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Tablet PY Fr 1202, along with its counterpart PY Fr 1206, is distinctive for two reasons: it records an unusually large amount of oil (approximately 160 liters), and it includes a rare personal or divine name—ma-te-re te-i-ja. This name does not appear anywhere else in the corpus. The similarity in handwriting and findspot of PY Fr 1202 and PY Fr 1206 (both written by the same scribe, Hand 2, and found in Room 38 of the Palace of Nestor) has led scholars to treat them as thematically linked.

PY Fr 1206 refers to po-ti-ni-ja a-si-wi-ja—that is, “Potnia of Assuwa (Asia?),” likely a reference to a goddess associated with the Anatolian region of Assuwa. This tablet has been widely interpreted as evidence of either Anatolian cult importation into Pylos or cross-Aegean religious transactions. Gierhart uses this contextual framework to inform her reading of PY Fr 1202, while at the same time questioning the assumptions that have traditionally led to interpreting ma-te-re te-i-ja as a deity.

Challenging the “Mother Goddess” Paradigm

The designation ma-te-re te-i-ja has typically been read as a theonym, translated either as “Mother of the Gods” or “Divine Mother.” Gierhart systematically critiques these interpretations.

First, she addresses the linguistic construction. In Mycenaean Greek, te-i-ja (equivalent to Classical Greek θεῖα) is most likely an adjective meaning “divine,” not a genitive phrase like “of the gods.” Thus, the phrase more accurately reads “Divine Mother,” not “Mother of the Gods.” While this may seem a minor distinction, it significantly undermines efforts to identify the figure with the later Greek goddess Meter Theon (Μήτηρ Θεῶν) or the Phrygian Kybele. Gierhart notes that such identifications are rooted more in retrojection than evidence: Kybele’s cult is well-attested only from the Iron Age onward and is primarily Phrygian, not Mycenaean.

She also critiques the popular idea—based on early 20th-century scholarship—that the Minoan and Mycenaean world centered around a pan-Mediterranean “Great Mother Goddess.” Drawing on the critiques of scholars like Sarah Morris and Lisa Bendall, Gierhart argues that these universalizing models are methodologically flawed and often reflect modern cultural ideologies more than ancient realities.

The Anatolian Connection: Reinterpreting the Evidence

The core of Gierhart’s argument is comparative. She proposes that the title ma-te-re te-i-ja is a Mycenaean rendering of the Hittite šiwanzanniš—a priestly title, often translated as “mother of the god,” borne by royal women with ritual functions in Hittite religious life. The šiwanzanniš was not a deity but a queen or high priestess with sacral authority, capable of overseeing cultic offerings and public ceremonies.

By interpreting ma-te-re te-i-ja as a translation of this title, Gierhart reframes the Linear B tablet not as a record of worship toward a deity, but as a disbursement of oil—possibly a year’s worth—to a high-ranking woman, probably abroad. This reading is strengthened by the extraordinarily large quantity of oil involved, which far exceeds the amounts recorded for local deities such as Poseidon or Potnia.

She further points out that the month recorded on PY Fr 1202—me-tu-wo ne-wo, “Month of New Wine”—suggests that the offering coincided with a seasonal or ritual event. This, too, is consistent with gift exchange or ritual diplomacy between ruling elites across the Aegean and Anatolia.

Supporting Evidence: The Use of Theios in Early Greek

Gierhart reinforces her argument by turning to the usage of the adjective θεῖος (divine) in Homeric and Hesiodic poetry. There, the term is rarely used for major gods. Instead, it frequently describes mortals of high status—kings, warriors, and bards—and occasionally minor divine figures like river gods or nymphs. For instance, Thetis, the divine mother of Achilles, is called μήτηρ θεῖα—a strikingly close parallel to ma-te-re te-i-ja.

This suggests that, in archaic Greek usage as well as Mycenaean, theios may have connoted divine favor or sacred function without implying that the person so described was a full deity. It fits, therefore, with a mortal woman of ritual status: a queen-priestess, not a goddess.

Diplomacy, Identity, and Religious Exchange

What, then, was the nature of this priestess, and why would she appear in the Pylian archives?

Gierhart explores several possibilities. The recipient of the oil could have been an Anatolian noblewoman—perhaps even a former princess married into the Pylian elite. Hittite records mention political marriages between Anatolian women and Ahhiyawan (Mycenaean) kings. In such cases, these women often retained priestly roles. Alternatively, she might have remained abroad, and the oil represents a diplomatic gift dispatched across the sea.

She draws parallels with PY Fr 1206, where the oil offering to Potnia of Assuwa may also have been sent outside the Mycenaean sphere. Bendall has noted that the volume of oil in these tablets far exceeds typical local offerings and is consistent with ceremonial shipments—perhaps annual tributes or diplomatic gestures. Such interpretations place Mycenaean Greece within the interregional exchange systems of the Late Bronze Age, resembling the political and religious networks documented in Hittite and Ugaritic archives.

Conclusion: From Divine Name to Sacred Role

Maija Gierhart’s thesis contributes significantly to the study of Mycenaean religion and international diplomacy in the Late Bronze Age. By reinterpreting ma-te-re te-i-ja not as a goddess, but as a translated title for a sacred mortal, she draws attention to the nuanced ways in which language, identity, and ritual status intersected in palace societies.

Her analysis avoids both the overly theological and overly literal approaches of previous decades. Instead, she restores to the PY Fr 1202 tablet its true complexity—as a document reflecting the palace’s role not only in religious administration but in cross-cultural negotiation, religious diplomacy, and elite female agency.

In doing so, Gierhart opens a path toward reevaluating other ambiguous figures in the Linear B corpus, and more broadly, toward understanding the role of women in Mycenaean and Anatolian religious systems not merely as recipients of cult, but as actors, intermediaries, and holders of sacred power.


Citation of Original Work:

  • Gierhart, Maija Oline. Mother Goddess or Divine Mortal? A Reconsideration of ma-te-re te-i-ja in PY Fr 1202. Master’s Thesis, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2025.

In Aegean Prehistory Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Illustration by Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Foreign Words in Egyptian Magic Spells: Are They Minoan?

May 24, 2025

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


Sacred Sounds or Foreign Tongues? The Mystery of the Keftiu Incantations in Egyptian medical papyri: A Linguistic and Historical Assessment of Their Minoan Identity

Two brief magical incantations—(1) “sente kepe wej’ ejmentere kekere” and (2) “ebeksetesebeseje hmkt repej pewer’ smk”—appear in New Kingdom Egyptian medical papyri and are explicitly noted to be written in the “language of the Keftiu.” The term Keftiu is widely believed to refer to Minoan Crete and its people, based on iconographic and textual evidence from the 18th Dynasty and earlier. The first incantation comes from the so-called London Medical Papyrus (BM EA 10059), and the second from the Hearst Papyrus, now housed at the University of California, Berkeley. The first incantation concerns the so-called "Asiatic disease" (a case of disease from the Near East), and the second one refers to the disease samuna (possibly an infectious illness). These incantations were used as “spells” by Egyptian healers—possibly Minoan physicians residing in Egypt—to expel the evil believed to cause the illnesses.

These texts are among the rare direct attestations of what may be the Minoan language—transcribed into Egyptian script and preserved within magical-medical contexts. Because of the tantalizing nature of this possibility, they have been the subject of scholarly speculation since the early 20th century. But are they really Minoan? Or are they misunderstood renderings of Semitic, Anatolian, or other languages? What does current research say?

Minoan trade routs.

1. Historical Context and Early Interpretations

The first modern discussion of these texts came from Sir Arthur Evans, who included them in his monumental Scripta Minoa (1952). Evans noted that they were recorded in medical contexts and specifically labeled in the manuscripts as being in the language of the Keftiu. He cautiously interpreted them as perhaps representing the spoken Minoan language. Evans, however, remained cautious regarding the interpretation: he observed that only one word from the second incantation (hmkt) is clearly Egyptian, while all other elements appear foreign. He also noted that, although the texts seem to be “Keftiu” (i.e., of Cretan origin), the very reference to an “Asiatic” (Semitic) disease and possibly to two deities of Asiatic provenance raises questions about whether the incantations genuinely reflect Cretan (Minoan) content. In other words, Evans had already pointed out early on that these foreign words may not be purely Minoan but could include elements from the Near East.

In the early 20th century, scholars like W. Wreszinski, H. Th. Bossert, and A. H. Sayce examined these texts. Wreszinski first published the London Medical Papyrus (1912), noting that incantations 32 and 33 refer to diseases “ttmkm” and “smk” respectively and label one of them explicitly as in the “language of the Keftiu.”

London Medical Papyrus; fragment of text with Kaftiw incantations is marked by whitelines (source: Kyriakidis 2002: 215)

Bossert offered the most imaginative interpretation, claiming that the first incantation contains Anatolian deity names—Sandon and Kubaba (Kybebe)—embedded within it, suggesting a link to Hittite or Luwian religious traditions. Sayce also accepted that these fragments could be Minoan, but emphasized their unknown linguistic nature.

Arthur Evans, despite his deep interest, was cautious: he recognized only one clearly Egyptian word (hmkt in the second incantation), noting that the rest of the content appeared non-Egyptian. He accepted that the texts may represent Keftiu (i.e., Minoan) language, but warned that little could be said about them with certainty.

Other scholars, such as G. A. Wainwright, controversially suggested that Keftiu might actually refer to Cilicia rather than Crete, proposing a more Anatolian origin for these texts. However, this theory was eventually rejected by most Egyptologists and Aegean archaeologists, who maintain that Keftiu corresponds to Minoan Crete.

Text of the spell (image source – Wreszinski 1912: 151)

2. Structure and Transmission of the Incantations

The two incantations are brief, grammatically obscure, and written phonetically using Egyptian hieratic signs. In both cases, the scribes attempt to record foreign words in a readable Egyptian form. Only the second incantation contains determinatives—classifying signs that hint at grammatical categories like “man,” “disease,” “god,” or “motion.”

  • First incantation (London Medical Papyrus, no. 32):
    sente kepe wej’ ejmentere kekere
    Possibly linked to deities (Sandon, Kubaba?) and described as treating “the disease ttmkm” (unknown).

  • Second incantation (Hearst Papyrus):
    ebeksetesebeseje hmkt repej pewer’ smk
    Associated with “disease smk” and includes the Egyptian word hmkt, possibly a known term for a spirit or illness.

The inclusion of foreign language incantations in Egyptian medical texts was a recognized practice—certain magical texts incorporate Semitic or Nubian phrases. The explicit designation of these two as “Keftiu language” thus signals that the Egyptians themselves regarded them as foreign—likely from a region with ritual or medical authority.

Menkheperreseneb. From left to right: 'Prince of Keftiu', 'Prince of Hatti', 'Prince of Tunip' (Syrian figures) and Aegean figure, facsimile (after Davies 1936:Plate XXI). Source

3. Modern Linguistic Analysis and Interpretative Approaches

Contemporary scholarship has taken a far more cautious and methodological approach:

3.1 General Position

The scholarly consensus holds that the incantations are most likely non-Egyptian and non-Semitic in structure and phonology. However, this does not prove they are definitively Minoan. The incantations’ extreme brevity makes secure interpretation nearly impossible.

3.2 Minoan Hypothesis

Most researchers today accept that, since the texts are explicitly labeled “language of the Keftiu,” and Keftiu is strongly identified with Crete, they likely represent some form of the Minoan language—possibly in a magical register.

Evangelos Kyriakidis (2002) cautiously notes that although the incantations cannot be translated or grammatically parsed, their phonological patterns do not contradict what is known from Linear A. However, no Linear A word has been definitively matched to any element of the incantations.

3.3 Anatolian/hattic Hypothesis

Some linguists—especially Alexander Akulov—have proposed more radical theories: that the language of the incantations shows affinities with Hattic (a pre-Indo-European language of Anatolia). Akulov analyzes grammatical morphemes within the incantations that appear to follow Hattic-like verb structures, possessive suffixes, and pronominal markers.

He interprets, for example, sabujajəjədʒa in the second incantation as a compound verb with personal markers resembling Hattic constructions. However, this view is highly speculative and not widely accepted in mainstream Aegean or Hittitological studies.

3.4 Rejection of Semitic Hypothesis

Richard Steiner and others have decisively rejected the idea that the texts are in a Semitic language, despite the diseases being labeled “Asiatic.” While some words (e.g., samuna) may derive from Semitic roots, the grammar and structure of the incantations do not align with Semitic syntax.

Senenmut. Three remaining Aegean figures, facsimile (after Davies 1936: Pl. XIV). Source

4. Theological and Magical Elements

The second incantation includes two divine names (Ratsiya, Erupa and Amaya), with accompanying Egyptian determinatives marking them as gods. This suggests that the Keftiu language had a pantheon unknown to Egyptians, or at least unfamiliar deity names. These theonyms do not resemble known Egyptian, Semitic, or Greek deities clearly, though speculative links have been made to Rhea and Maia or Kubaba.

The presence of foreign deities within the incantation strengthens the case for an independent Minoan religious tradition, at least partially captured here in Egyptian transmission.

Conclusion

The two Keftiu incantations found in Egyptian papyri constitute a rare window into a language of the Late Bronze Age, which the ancient Egyptians associated with Crete. Contemporary research converges on the idea that these incantations likely reflect the Minoan (pre-Greek) language, though possibly enriched with “magical vocabulary” borrowed from neighboring cultures. The early theories of Evans and his contemporaries—that these are indeed Minoan texts transcribed in Egyptian script—have not been rejected. On the contrary, they remain the starting point and the most logical interpretation, now approached with greater scholarly rigor. Evans’ view is broadly accepted in principle (that the language is that of the Keftiu/Minoans), but the early attempts to "translate" the incantations are now largely considered invalid or speculative.

No clear linguistic evidence has yet been found linking these incantations directly to the known vocabulary of Linear A or any other Aegean language, primarily because we lack a deciphered lexicon for comparison. Minor similarities (such as the aforementioned KA-PA, I-JA, etc.) suggest continuity, but do not prove it. Meanwhile, efforts to connect the texts with Anatolian languages (like Hattic) offer a tempting image of a Minoan language that did not evolve in isolation, but rather was influenced by—and perhaps genetically related to—other languages. If true, this would position the Minoans linguistically closer to populations of Asia Minor, rather than as an entirely isolated case.

In any case, the Keftiu incantations remain an object of ongoing research and debate. It is noteworthy how such a short text has inspired such a wide array of theories—evidence of its significance for our understanding of prehistoric Aegean civilization. For now, the most prudent conclusion is: these phrases appear to be Minoan, but their content suggests a complex magical vocabulary with international influences. Their full decipherment will likely only come if and when Linear A is decoded or if new bilingual texts are discovered. Until then, the Keftiu incantations remain a mystery—a lingering echo of a language once spoken in the halls of Knossos, still beckoning us to uncover its secrets.


REFERENCES

  • Evans, Arthur J. – Scripta Minoa: The Written Documents of Minoan Crete

  • Wreszinski, Walter – The Hearst medical papyrus

  • Akulov, Alexander – A Minoan Deity from the London Medicine Papyrus

  • Akulov, Alexander – Keftiw and Hattic Hypothesis

  • Akulov, Alexander – Asiatic Disease Spell Revisited

  • Kyriakidis, Evangelos – Indications on the Nature of the Language of the Keftiw from Egyptian Sources

  • Steiner, Richard – Northwest Semitic Incantations in an Egyptian Medical Papyrus of the Fourteenth Century B.C.E.

  • Giannakoulas, Alexandros – Black Asclepius, White Imhotep

In Aegean Prehistory Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis, Archaeology's Greatest Finds

Ritual Closure of Monuments and Symbolic Respect for Space: The Cases of Lerna and Sissi

April 27, 2025

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


Deconstructing Theories of External Imposition

The recent study of the cemetery at Sissi in Crete reveals a unique ritual practice of the Minoans, interpreted as the symbolic "death" or closure of their tombs. Instead of gradually abandoning the communal graves, the inhabitants of Sissi, around 1700 BCE, undertook a deliberate and ritualized process marking the end of an era.

Specifically, the last dead were buried in small pits or ceramic vessels. Afterwards, they carefully dismantled the tomb walls, crushed some bones to blend with the soil, and celebrated with a large communal feast. The findings include thousands of pottery fragments, remains of cups, and kitchenware, all dated to the same period. These elements suggest a collective ceremony that signaled the final use of the burial grounds.

Figure 3. The archaeological site of Sissi, seen from the north. The white dotted line indicates the limits of the cemetery (Zones 1 & 9) (© Belgian School at Athens, N. Kress).

Finally, participants covered everything with a layer of soil and stones, sealing the site forever. Remarkably, centuries later, when burials resumed in the area, this specific location remained untouched, indicating a lasting respect for this ritual closure. This practice reflects a profound cultural transition and a conscious effort by the Minoans to close a chapter of their history with reverence and ritual significance. The discovery offers valuable insights into the social and religious perceptions of the time and enriches our understanding of Minoan civilization.

The practice of ritually "closing" significant spaces through careful burial and continued respect for tomb or building grounds is also observed in the prehistoric Aegean world. The case of the House of the Tiles at Lerna and the recent discoveries at Sissi in Crete demonstrate the same symbolic logic: the need for a conscious transition and an honorable disengagement from a past charged with social and sacred meaning.

Figure 1. Distribution of Prepalatial and Protopalatial tombs, with the location of the main cemeteries mentioned in the text (S. Déderix).

At Lerna, after the destruction of the House of the Tiles around the end of Early Helladic II (ca. 2400–2200 BCE), the inhabitants carefully emptied the building, set it on fire, and then erected a mound (tumulus) of 19 meters in diameter over its remains. This tumulus was demarcated with a stone ring, and for a significant period during the Early Helladic III phase, no new structures were built atop it—testifying to a profound respect for the space and the historical memory it embodied. A similar ritual strategy, with many parallels, is evident at Sissi.

This analogy suggests that both in mainland Greece and Minoan Crete, the societies of the Late Early Bronze Age did not experience change through violent external impositions but through internal processes of renewal, deeply rooted in a ritual understanding of time, memory, and space. This organized and respectful treatment of earlier monumental architecture stands in contrast to the traditional image of violent invasions or external elite dominance, once assumed by older theories regarding the arrival of the "Proto-Greeks" (in the case of mainland Greece).

Instead, it indicates that the local communities themselves chose to manage the end of an earlier social and political phase through conscious, ritualized closure. Building and maintaining the tumulus can be seen as a way for the community to remember their past and show their pride, without any signs of new power being forced upon them from outside.

Caskey, J.L., Blackburn, E.T., Lerna in the Argolid. A Short Guide, American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Athens, 1977. © American School of Classical Studies at Athens

Furthermore, the collapse of the "Corridor House" system was not immediately followed by the rise of new, stronger elite centers, but rather by a phase of social simplification and fragmentation, as indicated by the emergence of apsidal buildings and changes in burial practices. This gradual and endogenous transformation better aligns with scenarios of internal social evolution rather than models of abrupt external domination.

Thus, the cultural changes observed at the end of the third millennium BCE appear to be more closely tied to transformations in local economic, social, and ritual practices rather than to the arrival of foreign populations or imposed systems. The Early Helladic III culture, although distinct from its predecessor, nonetheless shows strong elements of continuity, reshaping and integrating the past through internal processes.

The situations in Lerna and Sissi help break down ideas about quick takeovers or outside influences and improve our understanding of prehistoric communities as active participants in deliberate local cultural changes, where managing space and memory was very important.

In Aegean Prehistory Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis, News, Studies

New genetic data reveal a strong Greek genetic footprint in Carthage

April 27, 2025

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


How and when did the first populations move into North Africa? What is the significance of the detected "Aegean/Greek DNA"? How did the Carthaginians maintain their cultural dominance? (9-minute read)

Carthage was founded in the late 9th century BCE (traditionally 814 BCE) as a colony of Tyre, at a time when Tyre was a thriving commercial center. Therefore, the first inhabitants were Phoenician settlers — Semitic populations from the Levantine coasts, descendants of the ancient Canaanites. However, from the very foundation of the city, it is likely that local Berber (Libyan) populations of North Africa coexisted in the area, with whom the Phoenician settlers interacted and possibly intermarried. The very name of the city (Qart-Ḥadašt, meaning "New City") denotes a new settlement in foreign territory, but its development was closely tied to the local environment. Archaeological and historical evidence suggests that Carthage quickly evolved from a small trading post into a prosperous city-state with its own "Carthaginian" civilization. This civilization was clearly Phoenician (Semitic language, religion, customs), but the ancestry of the city's population was not purely Phoenician.

A recent paleogenetic study shed the first light on the biological composition of the early Carthaginians. The so-called "Young Man of Byrsa"—a man from the late 6th century BCE discovered in a burial chamber at Byrsa Hill in Carthage—revealed through ancient DNA analysis a maternal lineage (mitochondrial haplogroup U5b2c1) that is rare and European, originating from prehistoric populations in the northern Mediterranean. Specifically, this mtDNA links the individual's ancestry to regions such as the Iberian Peninsula, Mediterranean islands, or the northern Mediterranean coasts. The discovery constitutes the first direct evidence suggesting that even the early inhabitants of Carthage could have mixed ancestry, including European elements. In other words, the presence of such an ancient European genetic marker (U5b2c1) in North Africa indicates that Phoenician settlers had incorporated individuals from earlier Mediterranean populations (e.g., from Sicily, Sardinia, or Iberia) into their communities. This initial genetic diversity aligns with the historical image of a port city open to various ethnic groups. Although Carthage may have been founded by a few dozen or hundreds of Phoenician settlers, within a few generations its population expanded through admixture with local and other northern Mediterranean peoples. Truthfully, we have long understood that the Phoenicians' cultural dominance in Carthage did not imply absolute demographic dominance. Many ancient Greek colonies also observed the same phenomenon.

This reality became even clearer in a recent large-scale study of 103 ancient genomes from Carthage itself and other Phoenician/Carthaginian sites. Researchers identified a recognizable "Carthaginian" genetic profile, but it bore minimal relation to the populations of ancient Phoenicia. Instead, it was primarily composed of European (Greek/Aegean and Sicilian) and North African genotypes.

The First Neolithic Expansions—Prehistoric Population Flows into North Africa

To understand how European genetic elements appeared in North Africa long before Carthage's founding, we must examine population movements during the Neolithic period. The transition from hunter-gatherer economies to farming and animal husbandry occurred in North Africa approximately 7,500 years ago. Two main theories exist: either that local Mesolithic populations gradually adopted Neolithic innovations or that incoming farmers migrated into the area, bringing their way of life. Ancient DNA now clarifies this process. Furthermore, recent genome studies of prehistoric skeletons in the Maghreb revealed clear ancestry shifts during the Neolithic transition: the earliest Neolithic burials in Northwest Africa primarily show European Neolithic ancestry. The evidence implies that the initial farmers who emerged in Morocco and Algeria were predominantly descended from Neolithic populations from southern Europe. Researchers conclude that migrant European farmers introduced agriculture to Northwest Africa, which then rapidly disseminated among local groups.

This pattern fits into the broader wave of Neolithic farmer expansions from the Near East into Greece and Europe. It is well known that early farmers began in Anatolia and the Levant, spreading gradually westward via coastal Mediterranean routes to the Balkans, the Italian Peninsula, Sicily, Sardinia, and Iberia. Archaeologically, the spread of Impressa/Cardial pottery along coastal zones reflects the so-called "Mediterranean route" of Neolithic expansion. Notably, the appearance of agriculture in northeast Africa (e.g., the eastern Rif in Morocco) is nearly synchronous with its emergence in southern Spain, around 5500 BCE, suggesting maritime transfer of people and ideas. Thus, the wider agricultural dissemination led to a significant expansion of Neolithic populations from Europe into North Africa.

Note that a single migratory stream did not limit the genetic history of North Africa during the Neolithic. In addition to the European Neolithic influx, later contributions from the Near East are detectable. During the Middle Neolithic period, around 5000 BCE, the Maghreb genetic profile shows the introduction of a Levantine element, coinciding with the arrival of pastoralism (cattle, sheep, goats) in the region. This finding suggests that groups of herders possibly migrated westward from the eastern Mediterranean or the Nile Valley, bringing new genetic influences. Ultimately, by the end of the Neolithic, populations of the Maghreb exhibited a mixed genetic profile, combining local Paleolithic/Mesolithic heritage, European Neolithic farmer ancestry, and Near Eastern admixture. This prolonged prehistoric admixture explains why certain ancient European haplogroups (such as U5) or "Sardinian-type" genetic elements later appear among North African populations.

Regarding specifically Mycenaean, Sicilian, or Sardinian populations and their connection to North Africa, the data are fragmentary but indicative. There is no documented direct mass migration of Mycenaeans into North Africa during the Bronze Age. However, the presence of Mycenaean artifacts in Egypt and possible contacts with Libya suggest some level of interaction. After the collapse of the Mycenaean civilization (~1200 BCE), groups from the Aegean participated in the so-called "Sea Peoples," who reached as far as Egypt. Among them were the Sherden (possibly from Sardinia) and the Shekelesh (perhaps from Sicily). Although these groups clashed with Egypt, some may have settled in Libya or Canaan. These late-Chalcolithic or early Iron Age movements may have had a limited impact on western North Africa, though a minor genetic contribution from Aegean/European Bronze Age populations cannot be ruled out.

Moreover, the genetic landscape of the Carthaginians later exhibits strong affinities with ancient Greek populations, possibly linked to these early European movements or to Greek colonies established in Africa.

As for Sicily and Sardinia, these two major Mediterranean islands acted as bridges for population movements. Especially Sicily, due to its proximity to the Tunisian coast, served as a natural channel: early Neolithic settlers could have crossed in either direction between Tunisia and Sicily. During the 3rd millennium BCE (the Bronze Age), Sicily received influences from the Aegean world (e.g., Mycenaean finds) and later from Phoenician and Greek settlers. Sardinia, on the other hand, remained relatively genetically isolated for millennia (modern Sardinians preserve a high proportion of ancient Neolithic ancestry). Nonetheless, the Sherden people's history suggests some early contact with the eastern Mediterranean. In historic times, Carthaginian expansion led to the establishment of Phoenician colonies in Sardinia (e.g., Tharros), prompting some local population movements. Overall, we can say that the genetic impact of Sicilian and Sardinian populations on North Africa is detectable indirectly: either through early Neolithic dissemination (European farmers reaching the Maghreb) or through later historical interactions (e.g., integration of Sicilians into the Carthaginian network).

Phoenician Expansion and Genetic Interactions in the Western Mediterranean

During the Iron Age (1st millennium BCE), the Phoenicians expanded their maritime trading network, establishing numerous outposts and colonies throughout the western Mediterranean. By the 11th–10th century BCE, Phoenician settlements appeared in Spain (e.g., Cádiz), the Balearic Islands, Sicily, Malta, Sardinia, and beyond. The genetic contribution of these Semitic settlers to local populations had long been an open question. Traditionally, it was believed that the "Punic" populations (i.e., the western Phoenician colonies such as Carthage) would exhibit a strong Phoenician (Levantine) genetic signature. However, large-scale ancient DNA analyses have overturned this assumption. Researchers discovered that populations in the western Mediterranean received limited direct genetic input from Phoenician mother cities (Tyre, Sidon, etc.).

Despite their intense cultural, economic, and linguistic influence, the original Phoenician cities contributed minimal direct DNA to the Punic populations of the central and western Mediterranean. The spread of Phoenician culture thus occurred not through mass migration but primarily through the diffusion of cultural models and the integration of local communities.

Specifically, every Phoenician-Carthaginian site studied shows remarkable heterogeneity regarding its inhabitants' origins. Researchers detected an "extremely heterogeneous" genetic profile in ancient skeletons from these sites. In almost all Punic communities — from Carthage itself to colonies in Iberia, Sicily, Sardinia, and North Africa — the majority of individuals exhibited ancestries similar to those of ancient Sicilian and Aegean populations (southern Europe), while a significant portion had North African ancestry. In contrast, direct Near Eastern/Semitic genetic input was minimal. This practically means that in Phoenician colonies, people of diverse backgrounds lived together: individuals of local North African descent alongside others of predominantly European (Sicilian/Greek) origin. The different Punic communities were connected via maritime "kinship networks." For instance, a pair of distant relatives (approximately second cousins) were found: one buried in a Phoenician city in North Africa, the other in a Phoenician settlement in Sicily. Such findings illustrate the cosmopolitan character of the Carthaginian network, where movement and intermarriage across different regions were common.

This theory also explains how Phoenician settlers, initially a demographic minority, eventually genetically assimilated local populations rather than replacing them. As geneticist Pierre Zalloua aptly put it, "The Phoenicians were a civilization of integration and assimilation — they settled wherever they traveled." Despite their broad and diverse biological ancestry, these mixed populations transmitted their cultural identity (language, religion, and technical knowledge).

The case of Carthage shows that a group can be very influential in trade and culture even if they are not the largest population, similar to some theories about how Indo-European languages spread, but the history, society, and population of northern Africa at that time were quite different.

In summary, the Carthaginian rulers spoke the Phoenician language and worshipped Phoenician gods, but their subjects and allies came from various Mediterranean nations. In the end, the genetic background of the Carthaginians in the western Mediterranean is spread out and varied, showing a blend of European and African genes with some small Semitic influences, instead of a clear "Phoenician" genetic identity. This conclusion aligns perfectly with historical accounts of the multiethnic societies of the western Mediterranean and highlights how population movements are inextricably linked to cultural interactions.

In Levant, Aegean Prehistory Tags Studies, News, Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Decoding the Minoan 'Master's Seal': Architectural and Religious Symbolism in Minoan Civilization

April 12, 2025

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


The Minoan "Master's Seal," also known as the "Master Impression," is a remarkable artifact from the Late Minoan period (circa 1450–1400 BCE), currently housed in the Archaeological Museum of Chania, Crete. This small clay seal impression, measuring approximately 1.5 cm in diameter, offers a detailed depiction of Minoan architecture and religious symbolism, providing valuable insights into the civilization's societal structure and artistic achievements.​

Discovery and Context

The seal was discovered during Greek-Swedish excavations on Kastelli Hill in Chania, the site of ancient Kydonia. This area has yielded significant Minoan remains, indicating its importance as a center of administration and religion during the Late Minoan period. The seal impression was found in a context suggesting it was discarded during the reinhabitation of the area following the LMIB destruction horizon, a period marked by widespread upheaval in Minoan Crete. ​

Description of the Seal

The "Master's Seal" presents a complex scene carved in miniature detail. It depicts a multi-story architectural complex situated atop a steep, rocky hill, resembling the topography of Kastelli Hill. The buildings are arranged in a heraldic composition with seven wings across four levels, the lowest enclosed by a fortification-like wall. Two gates, possibly made from wooden trunks, and a frieze of half-rosettes adorn the lintel, adding decorative and structural elements. ​

At the apex of the central structure stands a youthful male figure holding a spear or staff. His elevated position and commanding posture suggest a symbolic role, possibly representing a deity or high-ranking worshiper, commonly interpreted as a "Young Master," embodying authority or divine presence. The buildings are crowned with the characteristic horns of consecration, underscoring their ritual or sacred significance. ​

Symbolism and Interpretation

The seal's imagery reflects the Minoan civilization's intricate relationship between architecture, religion, and societal hierarchy. The presence of the "Young Master" figure atop the central structure may symbolize divine oversight or theocratic leadership, suggesting that political and religious authority were intertwined in Minoan society. The horns of consecration, a recurring motif in Minoan art, further emphasize the sacred nature of the depicted complex. ​

Some scholars propose that the scene represents a specific sanctuary or palace, possibly serving as a model for actual Minoan architectural practices. The detailed depiction of architectural elements, such as multi-story buildings and decorative friezes, provides valuable information about Minoan construction techniques and aesthetic preferences. ​

Artistic and Cultural Significance

Despite its small size, the "Master's Seal" demonstrates the Minoan artisans' exceptional skill in miniature carving and their ability to convey complex narratives through art. The seal serves not only as an administrative tool but also as a medium for expressing religious and political ideologies. Its intricate design and symbolic content offer a window into the values and beliefs of Minoan society during the Late Bronze Age. ​

The Minoan "Master's Seal" stands as a testament to the civilization's artistic prowess and the intricate interplay between architecture, religion, and authority in their society. Its detailed imagery provides scholars with a rich source of information about Minoan culture, offering insights into their architectural practices, religious symbolism, and societal structure. As one of the most significant artifacts from Minoan Crete, the seal continues to captivate researchers and visitors alike, shedding light on the complexities of this ancient civilization.

In Aegean Prehistory Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

New Hittite Tablet Shows Striking Correspondences with the Narrative of Homer's Iliad

April 1, 2025

A Trojan Echo in Clay: Hittite Tablet Discovery Reinforces Homeric Traditions

A remarkable new discovery has emerged from the archives of Hittite texts, shaking the very foundations of how we perceive the Trojan War and its historicity. Unearthed and recently published under the auspices of Oxford’s Michele Bianconi, this newly deciphered tablet—Keilfischurkunden aus Boghazköi 24.1—offers what could be one of the most tantalizing written connections between Bronze Age Anatolia and the epic tradition that culminated in Homer’s Iliad.

While previous Hittite records have referenced familiar names—Wiluša for Ilion/Troy, Ahhiyawa for the Achaeans, and figures such as Alaksandu and Attaršiya (possibly Atreus or an early Achaean leader)—this tablet goes further. It not only reinforces the geopolitical dynamics of the Late Bronze Age but also provides an unprecedented literary fragment that suggests a native Luwian poetic tradition dealing with the fall of Troy existed centuries before Homer.

Summary of the Text and Context

The tablet recounts a royal correspondence between a Hittite monarch and an individual named Pariyamuwa, who is likely a regional king or vassal, possibly of Taruiša (Troy). Early lines reference a known figure from Hittite records—Attaršiya of Ahhiyawa—and his sons attacking Taruiša. This narrative is consistent with the CTH 147 ("The Indictment of Madduwatta"), where Attaršiya was already depicted as a formidable Achaean figure operating aggressively in western Anatolia.

What is striking here is not merely the continuity of these geopolitical motifs but the inclusion of a Luwian poetic fragment towards the end of the tablet, apparently describing the fall of Wiluša (Troy). This rhythmical line—“they sing in Luwian (of) the destruction of steep (?) Wiluša: ‘The wrath, o god(dess), si[ng…’”—bears a chilling resemblance to the famous opening of Homer’s Iliad: “Sing, goddess, the wrath of Achilles…”

Analysis: Bridging Hittite History and Homeric Epic

Until now, scholars of Aegean prehistory and oral tradition were left largely to conjecture when linking the Hittite archives with Homer’s poetry. We had political evidence for the existence of a city named Wiluša (Troy), and we understood that Ahhiyawa represented a western power with a Greek-speaking elite. What remained elusive was a literary—or at least semi-literary—bridge.

This tablet offers, for the first time, a suggestion of a poetic corpus in the Luwian language, apparently chronicling the fall of Troy. While fragmentary, the passage demonstrates a rhythm likely intended for oral performance. The dactylic or spondaic structure—coincidentally echoing Homer’s hexameter—could hint at a broader epic tradition within Anatolian courts, possibly older than the 8th-century BCE composition of the Iliad.

The Luwian poetic line referencing divine wrath and destruction further suggests thematic and formal parallels with Greek epic tradition. Given that Troy was an Anatolian city and that the region hosted a bilingual (or even multilingual) population—including Hittites, Luwians, and other Indo-European groups—the existence of a local narrative tradition about Troy's fall is both plausible and now tentatively evidenced.

The Question of Prehistoric Texts and the Trojan War

This discovery reignites a central scholarly debate: Did Bronze Age Anatolia possess its own narrative tradition about Troy's fall, separate from or ancestral to Homeric poetry?

So far, no long-form poetic texts concerning the Trojan War have been found from the Late Bronze Age. While the Mycenaeans left Linear B tablets, these were purely administrative and offered no mythological content. The Hittites, on the other hand, maintained an archive of myths, treaties, and diplomatic correspondence, yet—until now—no definitive poetic narrative about Wiluša's destruction had been identified.

This new tablet changes the game. If this Luwian line is truly part of a broader epic or lament, it suggests that the oral tradition of Troy’s fall was already present in second-millennium Anatolia, possibly passed down among court singers, bards, or scribes long before the Homeric bards of Ionia ever took up the lyre.

Such a tradition could have traveled westward or been inherited by Greek-speaking populations of the coast, eventually morphing into the Iliad. Alternatively, the Iliad may be a Greek reworking of a shared Indo-European mythic repertoire, adapted to the political realities and cultural memories of Iron Age Greece.

Conclusion: Clay Voices and Echoes of Ilion

This Hittite tablet, in its modest clay form, may represent one of the most important finds in the quest for the historical and literary origins of the Trojan War narrative. While the evidence is fragmentary and requires cautious interpretation, it provides an unparalleled glimpse into how the Anatolians themselves—particularly the Luwians—remembered or imagined the fall of Troy.

Was Homer merely echoing songs sung in Wiluša, in a language now mostly forgotten? Were the first bards of Troy Luwian-speaking poets whose verses have only now begun to resurface?

Only time—and more tablets—will tell. But for now, this small fragment from Boğazköy reverberates with a long-lost voice, reminding us that history and myth were always entangled, and that in the clay of forgotten archives, epic still sleeps.

In Anatolia, Aegean Prehistory Tags News, The Archaeologist Editorial Group

Illustration by Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

The Mycenaean Necromanteion of Palaiokastro: The Oldest Ritual Site in Greece

September 29, 2024

BY DIMOSTHENIS VASILOUDIS


The village of Palaiokastro in Gortynia, Arcadia, although small with few inhabitants, hosts one of the most significant archaeological sites of the Mycenaean period in Greece. The Mycenaean cemetery and the ancient necromanteion discovered there reveal new aspects of Greece’s prehistory, offering significant insights into the religious and ritual practices of the Mycenaeans. These findings bring to light part of the mysterious world of religion and death cults of the time, while the potential link between the site and the Homeric city of Pherae (Phere) adds particular importance to the location.

The Extensive Mycenaean Cemetery

The archaeological excavations on the hill of Palaiokastro, which began in 1955 and continued systematically from 1979, brought to light a large Mycenaean cemetery. With a total of 500 tombs, of which approximately 150 have been excavated, the cemetery is considered the largest discovered in Greece. The tombs, of various types such as tholos, chamber, shaft, and box-shaped, reveal the long-term use of the site for over 400 years, from 1500 to 1100 BCE.

The rich burial offerings discovered in the tombs, including gold jewelry and pottery, indicate the prosperity of the community that lived there. These findings are exhibited at the Archaeological Museum of Tripoli and demonstrate the region’s connection with broader cultural and trade exchanges of the Mycenaean era. The significance of the cemetery is immense, as it sheds light on previously unknown aspects of Mycenaean burial and social life.

The Mycenaean Necromanteion

Within the cemetery, a ritual structure was found, which, according to archaeologist Theodoros Spyropoulos, functioned as a necromanteion. This necromanteion, the only one of the Mycenaean period discovered to date, is considered the oldest in Greece and operated from 1600 to 1200 BCE. It is an underground chamber tomb with a corridor and chamber, where a platform was found with a small house-like structure and a pillar-shaped boulder (baetyl) that served as an aniconic representation of a deity.

The unique construction of the necromanteion, with openings in the walls and a libation basin in the ceiling, resembles the Nekyia described in Homer’s Odyssey. The “psychagogoi"—holes in the walls—suggest the use of the site for summoning the dead. The necromanteion of Palaiochastro was likely used for rituals related to ancestor worship and communication with the underworld, offering rare insights into Mycenaean religious practices.

The Significance of Homeric Pherae

One of the most enigmatic issues related to Palaiochastro is its potential connection to the Homeric city of Phere, as described in Book XI of the Odyssey. According to historian Konstantinos Syriopoulos, the area of Palaiochastro likely corresponds to the capital of King Orsilochus’s kingdom, which hosted Telemachus on his journey to Sparta.

The geographical location of Palaiokastro, near the rivers Alpheios and Bouphagos, along with its strategic position offering panoramic views, supports this hypothesis. If this identification is correct, Mycenaean topography takes on new dimensions, as the Mycenaean site of Kakovatos is also identified with Nestor’s Pylos. Thus, Palaiokastro is not only linked to the world of religion and the dead but also to the geography and history of the Homeric era.

Conclusion

Palaiochastro in Gortynia is one of the most important archaeological sites in Greece. The extensive Mycenaean cemetery, along with the unique necromanteion, sheds light on the religious life and burial practices of the Mycenaeans, while its potential identification with Homeric Phere opens new avenues for understanding the topography and history of the Homeric period. This site, with its ancient religious and cultural significance, offers invaluable insights into the prehistoric world of Arcadia and its long-standing use.

In Aegean Prehistory Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis, Archaeology's Greatest Finds

The Mystery of Akrotiri: Unraveling the Enigma of the Missing Human Skeletons After the Thera Eruption

September 12, 2024

BY DIMOSTHENIS VASILOUDIS


The ancient city of Akrotiri on the island of Thera (modern-day Santorini) was once a bustling Bronze Age settlement, intricately linked to the Minoan civilization on Crete. It was a city of great wealth and maritime prowess, as evidenced by the vibrant frescoes and advanced infrastructure found during excavations. However, the eruption of the Thera volcano around 1600 BCE abruptly ended this chapter of human history. Despite the extensive damage caused by the volcanic event, which buried the city in pumice and ash, one mystery remains unsolved: where are the human remains?

The absence of human skeletons at Akrotiri raises profound questions about the fate of its inhabitants. Did they foresee the impending disaster and flee in time, or were they swallowed by the sea, leaving no trace behind?

Akrotiri: The Bronze Age City of Thera
Akrotiri was a major urban center during the Bronze Age, located on the southern coast of Thera. It was part of the Minoan civilization, a powerful maritime culture that dominated the Aegean during this period. The city’s well-preserved ruins, buried under layers of volcanic ash, have revealed multi-story buildings, intricate frescoes, and advanced drainage systems, offering a glimpse into the life of its ancient inhabitants.

Before the eruption, Akrotiri was a thriving hub of trade and cultural exchange. Its frescoes depict ships, harbors, and distant lands, suggesting that the people of Akrotiri were skilled navigators. However, the cataclysmic eruption of the Thera volcano changed everything, burying the city in up to 12 meters of volcanic material and triggering devastating tsunamis that affected much of the Aegean.

The Thera Eruption: Nature’s Catastrophic Fury
The Thera eruption is widely regarded as one of the largest volcanic events in human history. It is believed to have been four to five times more powerful than the eruption of Krakatoa in 1883. The eruption consisted of several phases, starting with earthquakes and smaller volcanic activity, followed by the release of massive amounts of ash, pumice, and volcanic gases.

The final phase of the eruption, the caldera collapse, caused the island to implode, generating tsunamis that swept across the Mediterranean. Ash from the eruption has been found as far away as Egypt and the Levant. This catastrophic event would have had a profound impact on the Minoan civilization and the people of Akrotiri.

Fouqué’s Discovery on Therasia: The Only Human Remains Found
In 1867, French geologist Ferdinand André Fouqué made an important discovery on the nearby island of Therasia, which forms part of the caldera rim of the Thera volcano. During excavations at the Alaphouzos quarry, he uncovered the remains of a man who appeared to have been killed when the roof of a building collapsed during the eruption. This is the only human skeleton on the island known to be directly associated with the Thera eruption.

The discovery of this single skeleton raises the question: why has no such evidence been found in the far more extensively excavated city of Akrotiri? This absence fuels speculation that the population may have had time to escape, but it also leaves room for alternative theories.


The Volcanic Rock Shades and Colors in the Spring Fresco of Akrotiri


Theories on the Absence of Human Remains at Akrotiri

Evacuation Theory
One of the most widely accepted theories is that the people of Akrotiri had enough warning to evacuate the city before the final stages of the eruption. Evidence suggests that there were precursor earthquakes and volcanic activity that could have signaled the impending disaster. The frescoes found at Akrotiri depict various types of ships, implying that the inhabitants had the means to flee by sea.

If this theory holds, the people of Akrotiri may have left the city in boats, taking their most valuable possessions with them. This could explain why no gold or other precious items have been found in the ruins. However, the question remains: where did they go, and what became of them?

The Harbor Hypothesis
Another theory suggests that many of the missing inhabitants may have perished near the harbor, which has yet to be fully excavated. Some archaeologists believe that the harbor was located to the south of the current excavation site, possibly between the nearby Mesavouno and Kokkino Vouno (Red Mountain). If this is the case, human remains and boats may still be buried beneath layers of volcanic debris or submerged in the surrounding sea.

Marine archaeology could hold the key to unlocking this mystery. It is possible that a large number of people attempted to escape by sea, only to be caught by the volcanic explosions and the tsunamis that followed.

The Tsunami Hypothesis
The tsunamis triggered by the collapse of the Thera caldera would have been massive, reaching far beyond Santorini and affecting coastal communities across the Aegean. These tsunamis, combined with the pumice and ashfall, may have been responsible for the disappearance of many inhabitants.

Instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA) has traced sea-borne pumice from the Thera eruption to sites as far away as Egypt and Tel Qasile in Israel. This evidence suggests that people who tried to flee by boat may have been swept away by the waves, their remains lost to the depths of the sea.

The Lack of Gold: A Sign of Pre-Eruption Evacuation
One intriguing detail that supports the evacuation theory is the absence of gold or other high-value goods in the ruins of Akrotiri. In ancient times, gold was a symbol of wealth and status, and it is unlikely that the inhabitants would have left without taking their most prized possessions. The discovery of a single gold object—a golden ibex deposited in a wooden box near the Xeste 3 building—suggests that the people had time to gather their valuables before fleeing.

This absence of gold could indicate that the population had a window of time to escape the city before the final, most destructive phase of the eruption.

Could More Remains Be Hidden Beneath the Ash?
Although no human skeletons have been found at Akrotiri so far, this does not necessarily mean they will never be discovered. Large areas of the city remain unexcavated, and the possibility exists that human remains may be buried deeper beneath the volcanic material. Additionally, the harbor and surrounding areas could yield further clues, particularly if marine archaeology is employed to explore the seabed.

The mystery of the missing human skeletons at Akrotiri remains one of the most tantalizing questions in Aegean archaeology. Whether the inhabitants escaped in time, perished at sea, or lie buried beneath the volcanic debris, the absence of remains challenges our understanding of the impact of the Thera eruption. Ongoing archaeological and geological investigations may yet provide answers, but for now, the fate of Akrotiri’s people remains shrouded in mystery.

What is clear is that Akrotiri stands as a testament to the ingenuity and resilience of the Minoan civilization, even in the face of one of the greatest natural disasters in history.

In Aegean Prehistory Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Busts of Greek Mythical Heroes Adorn Turkish Village near Troy

September 8, 2024

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


The Spirit of Troy: Ancient Greek Hero Busts Honor Troy’s Legacy in Turkish Village


The influence of Homer’s Iliad continues to resonate across time, inspiring modern-day tributes in unexpected places. In a small village near the ruins of ancient Troy, modern citizens have decided to honor the heroes of this legendary tale by installing busts of the famous Greek and Trojan warriors. Tevfikiye, located a mere kilometer from the site of ancient Troy, has become a living homage to the epic struggle between the Achaeans and the Trojans. Known as the "Troy Observation Terrace" (Truva Seyir Terasi), this unique square now serves as a gathering place where mythology, history, and modern life intersect.

The Mythical Roots: Troy and the Scamander Plain

The village of Tevfikiye offers a panoramic view of the Scamander River plain, the setting for much of the Trojan War as described by Homer. Just beyond the village lies the ancient city of Troy, a site that has been excavated by famed archaeologists such as Frank Calvert and Heinrich Schliemann. As one gazes across this landscape, it is easy to imagine the legendary battles fought between the Achaeans and Trojans, with warriors like Achilles, Hector, and Ajax clashing on these very plains.

Troy, long regarded as one of the most significant archaeological sites, served as a cultural bridge connecting the civilizations of the Mediterranean, the Aegean, and Anatolia. The city’s strategic location made it a hub for trade, migration, and the exchange of knowledge, which ultimately contributed to its wealth and power during the Late Bronze Age.

The Archaeological Troy: Unveiling the City of Homer’s Iliad

Troy VI is widely accepted as the Homeric Troy. Its remains reveal a city of considerable sophistication, with robust fortifications and a palace complex that speaks to its prosperity during the 13th and 12th centuries BC. Troy VI's strategic location allowed it to control vital trade routes, particularly the Hellespont (modern Dardanelles), which linked the Aegean with the Black Sea.

In Homeric epics, Troy is depicted as a city of wealth and influence, and archaeological findings confirm that it was a center of power during this period. The name "Troy" itself appears in multiple sources, from Homer’s Iliad to Hittite texts, where it is referred to as Wilusa or Taruisa. This confluence of names reflects Troy’s dual identity as both a fortified citadel and a bustling lower city.

The towers and walls of Troy VI were constructed around 1300 BC, just decades before the city’s destruction, possibly by a coalition of aggressors, including the Achaeans. Despite its eventual fall, Troy VI thrived for nearly six centuries, embodying the grandeur and complexity of the Late Bronze Age world.

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The Village of Tevfikiye: A Modern-Day Troy Experience

In recent years, Tevfikiye has undergone a transformation. What was once a quiet village has been reimagined as a living tribute to the Trojan era. With its proximity to both the Troy ruins and the modern Troy Museum, Tevfikiye has become an archaeological-themed village. This metamorphosis is part of an initiative launched by the Çanakkale Governor’s Office in 2017 to attract visitors to the area and boost the local economy.

The village square, now named the "Square of Troy," has been adorned with busts of Trojan War heroes, including Achilles, Odysseus, Hector, and Paris. This display not only pays tribute to the Greek and Trojan warriors but also provides a tangible connection to the ancient myths that have shaped the region’s identity.

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The Rich History of Tevfikiye: A Bridge Between Past and Present

The history of Tevfikiye is intertwined with that of Troy. The village was settled by Bulgarian immigrants in the late 19th century, during a period of upheaval following the Ottoman-Russian War of 1877-1878. Many of these settlers found employment working on Schliemann’s excavations at the nearby Troy site. Their homes were built using materials from the excavation, and the village mosque, constructed in 1895, was crafted from stones taken from the ancient city.

Today, the village retains its historical charm, with buildings modeled after Trojan architecture. The village coffeehouse and health center have been renovated to resemble structures from the Troy VI period, and the observatory at the heart of the village is inspired by the palatial architecture of ancient Troy. These efforts have created a unique atmosphere where visitors can step back in time and experience the world of Homer’s epics.

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A Cultural Renaissance: The "House of Troy"

One of Tevfikiye’s most striking features is the "House of Troy," a building designed to evoke the grandeur of the ancient city. Visitors can explore rooms that mirror the architectural style of Troy VI, complete with columns and wall ends that reflect the craftsmanship of the era. A miniature waterfall and a museum dedicated to Trojan history further enhance the village’s charm.

The village’s wedding hall has also been repurposed as a cultural center, offering a space for exhibitions and events that celebrate the rich history of the region. This blending of ancient and modern elements creates a vibrant cultural hub where the past is not only remembered but actively revived.

Tevfikiye, A Living Monument to Homeric Troy

Tevfikiye stands as a testament to the enduring legacy of Homer’s Iliad. Through its careful preservation of ancient traditions and its modern homage to the heroes of the Trojan War, the village has become a place where history and mythology come alive. Visitors can walk among the busts of legendary figures like Achilles and Hector, gaze out over the plains where these warriors once fought, and experience the profound connection between the past and present. As Tevfikiye continues to evolve, it offers a unique glimpse into the world of ancient Troy, ensuring that the epic tales of the Trojan War will continue to inspire generations to come.

In Aegean Prehistory, Anatolia Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Illustration by Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Mycenaean Terms Found in Phrygian Inscription: Uncovering a Greek-Phrygian Isogloss

September 4, 2024

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


The relationship between Greek and Phrygian languages has long intrigued scholars, particularly because of the potential linguistic connections that may hint at deeper cultural and historical ties between these ancient peoples. One of the most fascinating aspects of this relationship is the presence of a prehistoric Greek-Phrygian isogloss, as evidenced by inscriptions and etymological studies. This article will delve into the significance of this isogloss, focusing on the connections between the Mycenaean words wanax (ϝἄναξ) - lawagetas (λαϝαγἐτη) and their Phrygian counterparts, as well as the broader implications for our understanding of the interactions between these ancient cultures.

The Phrygian Inscription and the Midas Monument

A significant piece of evidence for the Greek-Phrygian isogloss comes from an inscription found at the Midas Monument, which dates back to the 8th century BC. The inscription, engraved on the upper left part of the monument and written in a dextroverse (left-to-right) direction, reads as follows:

ates : arkiaevaīs : akenanogavos : midaī : lavagtaeī : vanakteī : edaes.

This text has been translated as: "Attes, the son of Archias, the akenanogavos, made (it) for Midas, the leader (and) the king."

The words "lavagtaei" (λαϝαγέτη) and "vanaktei" (ἄνακτι) appear side by side, providing a direct link between the Phrygian and Greek languages. The term "vanaktei" is particularly notable, as it is derived from the Mycenaean Greek word wanax, which means "king" or "ruler."

The Etymology of Lafagetes and Wanax According to Historical-Comparative Linguistics and Common Indo-European Roots

The word wanax has been the subject of much scholarly debate, particularly regarding its etymology and its potential connections to other Indo-European languages. Until recently, wanax was considered a word of uncertain or unknown origin, with no convincing cognates identified in other languages. However, the research of scholars like Ivo Hajnal has provided new insights into its possible connections with Phrygian.

The etymology of the words lawagetes (λαϝαγἐτης) and wanax (ἄναξ) presents a rich field of study within historical-comparative linguistics, illustrating their deep Indo-European connections. Lawagetes (ra-wa-ke-ta) is derived from the components λαϝός meaning 'army' or 'to gather an army,' and the root hag- (ἄγω), meaning 'to lead or drive' (*leh₂mo-h₂eg-et-). This composite meaning of 'army leader' or 'commander' reflects the sociopolitical role of a leader in an early Greek context. The term wanax, similarly, is traced back to the Mycenaean word wa-na-ka and is often used to denote 'king' or 'ruler.' Its Indo-European roots appear connected to the notion of a leader or protector, with cognates potentially present in other Indo-European languages such as Sanskrit and Phrygian.

The analysis of wanax offers particular intrigue due to its parallel development with other Indo-European terms. According to Hajnal, the word wanax (or more accurately ϝανακτ-ς with the original digamma sound “ϝ”) shares morphological features with the word laϝagetes, both following a productive pattern in ancient Greek word formation. This pattern involves a thematic element and the suffixes (-t- and -s), which can be traced back to older Indo-European linguistic structures. The phonological evolution of wanax and its formation from roots like *h₂eǵ- ('to lead') highlights its meaning as a leader or authority figure, a concept mirrored in Phrygian and possibly even Sanskrit equivalents (*h₂n̥-h₂eg-et-s).

The comparative study of wanax in Greek and its counterparts in other Indo-European languages reveals the common cultural emphasis on rulership and protection. For instance, the Sanskrit word vaṇij- (meaning 'merchant') has been proposed as an etymological cousin to wanax, emphasizing the protector or leading role of figures like Indra, a god associated with kingship and power in early Indo-Aryan society. This comparison not only underlines the structural similarities between these languages but also reinforces the cultural and symbolic significance of leadership across the Indo-European world. As such, the words laϝagetes and wanax serve as linguistic relics of a shared Indo-European heritage, reflecting common themes of authority, protection, and social hierarchy.

Hajnal argues against the possibility of a Greek loanword in Phrygian, pointing to the presence of Phrygian anthroponyms such as Wanaxos, Wanaxon, or Wanaxion, which are formed based on the word wanak(t)s. This suggests a prehistoric isogloss—a shared linguistic feature—between Greek and Phrygian that predates their separation as distinct languages. This isogloss indicates a common linguistic heritage and possibly points to a period of intense interaction or even a shared linguistic ancestry between the Greeks and Phrygians.

The Greek word wanax itself has been linked to other Indo-European languages through various linguistic reconstructions. According to Hajnal, the word likely derives from a Proto-Indo-European root, and its morphology follows the same pattern as other ancient Greek words, such as λαγέτας (a leader or commander), which is itself related to wanax. This connection further strengthens the argument for a prehistoric isogloss and highlights the deep linguistic ties between Greek and Phrygian.

The Broader Implications of the Greek-Phrygian Isogloss

The existence of a Greek-Phrygian isogloss has significant implications for our understanding of the ancient world. First and foremost, it suggests that the Greeks and Phrygians shared more than just a geographic proximity—they also shared linguistic and, by extension, cultural elements. This challenges the traditional view of these cultures as entirely separate and independent and opens the door to new interpretations of their interactions.

Furthermore, the linguistic connections between Greek and Phrygian may also shed light on the broader question of Indo-European migrations and the spread of languages across the ancient world. The isogloss between Greek and Phrygian suggests a period of close contact, possibly during the Bronze Age, when these languages were still in the process of differentiation. This could imply that the Phrygians, who are traditionally believed to have migrated to Anatolia from the Balkans, may have had more prolonged and significant interactions with the Mycenaean Greeks than previously thought.

The Greek-Phrygian Linguistic Connection

The article explores the deep linguistic and historical connections between the Greek and Phrygian languages, two members of the Indo-European family. Scholars suggest that some Neo-Phrygian inscriptions may represent an Achaean Greek dialect, indicating potential linguistic convergence or a shared ancestral language. This relationship is further supported by the broader cultural and linguistic interactions across the eastern Mediterranean, where both languages were spoken in close geographical proximity.

Linguistic evidence reveals that Greek is widely regarded as the closest relative of Phrygian, with numerous shared phonological, morphological, and lexical features, suggesting a possible proto-Graeco-Phrygian stage. However, the fragmentary nature of the Phrygian language and the influence of other ancient Anatolian languages like Lydian and Hittite complicate the task of determining whether these similarities are due to common ancestry or later borrowing. This issue makes it challenging to definitively reconstruct the exact nature of the relationship between the two languages.

The study of Greek and Phrygian has significant implications for understanding the Indo-European language family. If a proto-Graeco-Phrygian language did exist, it could reshape current theories about the spread and development of Indo-European languages. The close relationship between Greek and Phrygian also provides valuable insights into the cultural and linguistic exchanges that occurred in the eastern Mediterranean and Anatolia during antiquity, offering a more nuanced understanding of the linguistic landscape of the region.

In conclusion, the study of the prehistoric Greek-Phrygian isogloss, exemplified by the connections between the Mycenaean word wanax and its Phrygian counterparts, offers valuable insights into the complex linguistic and cultural relationships of the ancient world. As scholars continue to explore these connections, we can expect to gain a deeper understanding of how these ancient peoples interacted, influenced each other, and contributed to the rich tapestry of human history.

In Anatolia, Aegean Prehistory Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis, Archaeology's Greatest Finds

Illustration by Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Phrygian and Greek: A Shared Ancestry or Linguistic Convergence?

September 4, 2024

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


The relationship between the Greek and Greek languages has been a subject of scholarly interest for decades. Ancient inscriptions, combined with linguistic analysis, have provided various insights into their potential connections. There is a strong belief among scholars that some Neo-Phrygian inscriptions represent a Greek dialect, specifically an Achaean Greek dialect, which shares common features with Arcadian, Cypriot, and Pamphylian dialects. This observation suggests a level of linguistic convergence or a shared linguistic heritage, potentially due to prolonged contact or even a shared ancestral language. This article explores this complex relationship by examining the historical, linguistic, and archaeological evidence, analyzing key similarities and differences, and considering the implications of these findings.

Historical Context of Greek and Phrygian Interaction

The historical interactions between the Greek and Phrygian peoples are well-documented, especially in the context of ancient Anatolia. Phrygia, located in what is now modern-day Turkey, was an ancient kingdom with close geographical and cultural ties to the Greek world. The Phrygians, known for their rich cultural heritage, were often mentioned in Greek literature and historical records. Ancient Greek authors such as Herodotus and Plato noted similarities between the languages spoken by the two peoples, which has led to ongoing debates among modern scholars.

The Palaeo-Balkanic Indo-European branch based on the chapters "Albanian" (Hyllested & Joseph 2022) and "Armenian" (Olsen & Thorsø 2022) in Olander (ed.) The Indo-European Language Family

The evidence suggests that linguistic similarities between the two languages may not solely be the result of random convergence but possibly due to significant historical interactions. The broader cultural and linguistic interactions across the eastern Mediterranean, including Phrygia, further support the idea of a close relationship between Greek and Phrygian languages. These regions were part of a larger cultural and geographical union during antiquity, which included the eastern Mediterranean and parts of the southern Balkans, where various languages and cultures intersected. This interaction likely contributed to the linguistic similarities observed between Greek and Phrygian.

Linguistic Evidence Supporting a Graeco-Phrygian Connection

Linguistic evidence plays a crucial role in understanding the relationship between Greek and Phrygian. The modern consensus among scholars is that Greek is the closest relative of Phrygian within the Indo-European language family. This view is supported by numerous shared phonological, morphological, and lexical features. For instance, Obrador Cursach’s analysis of 36 isoglosses shows that Phrygian shares 34 with Greek, with 22 being exclusive to the two languages. Such a high degree of shared features strongly indicates a close genetic relationship, possibly even a common proto-language.

Moreover, the Phrygian language exhibits several phonological characteristics that are strikingly similar to Greek. For example, the treatment of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) laryngeals in both languages is nearly identical, suggesting a shared phonological history. Additionally, the presence of similar suffixes and the treatment of certain consonant clusters further point to a deep linguistic connection. Scholars like Lubotsky have also identified specific sound changes in Phrygian that parallel those in Greek, reinforcing the idea of close linguistic kinship.

However, there is also evidence that complicates this picture. If certain Neo-Phrygian inscriptions indeed reflect a Greek dialect influenced by local Anatolian languages, it becomes challenging to determine whether the similarities between Greek and Phrygian are due to common ancestry or are the result of linguistic borrowing. This complexity is further compounded by the influence of other ancient languages in the region, such as Lydian and Hittite, which also impacted Phrygian. These influences could potentially obscure the original linguistic connections between Greek and Phrygian, making it difficult to disentangle inherited features from those acquired through contact.

Reconstructing Proto-Graeco-Phrygian: Evidence and Challenges

Despite the compelling evidence, reconstructing the exact nature of the relationship between Greek and Phrygian remains challenging. One of the primary difficulties is the fragmentary nature of the Phrygian language, which is known only from a relatively small corpus of inscriptions. Many of these inscriptions remain undeciphered or are only partially understood, limiting the amount of data available for analysis. Furthermore, the possibility of borrowing and linguistic convergence due to prolonged contact between Greek and Phrygian speakers complicates the task of distinguishing between inherited features and later innovations.

The inscriptions described as potentially representing a Greek dialect highlight this challenge. If these inscriptions indeed reflect a Greek dialect influenced by local Anatolian languages, it becomes difficult to determine whether the similarities between Greek and Phrygian are due to common ancestry or are the result of linguistic borrowing. These influences could potentially obscure the original linguistic connections between Greek and Phrygian, making it difficult to disentangle inherited features from those acquired through contact.

The Midas inscription over the cornice of the Midas monument. It reads Ates... Midai lavagtaei vanaktei edaes ("Ates... has dedicated [this monument) to Midas, leader of the people and ruler").

Implications for the Study of Indo-European Languages

The study of the relationship between Greek and Greek has broader implications for our understanding of the Indo-European language family. If the hypothesis of a proto-Graeco-Phrygian language is correct, it would suggest that Greek and Phrygian split from a common ancestor later than previously thought. This would have significant implications for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European language and the understanding of the spread of Indo-European languages across Europe and Asia.

Furthermore, the close relationship between Greek and Phrygian may shed light on the linguistic and cultural exchanges in the eastern Mediterranean and Anatolia during the Bronze and Iron Ages. The idea of a shared linguistic area highlights the importance of considering both genetic and aural features when studying ancient languages. This approach could lead to new insights into the processes of language change and the interactions between different linguistic communities in antiquity.

Map showing places where inscriptions in the ancient Phrygian language have been found. Data source: Bartomeu Obrador Cursach, Lexicon of the Phrygian inscriptions (doctoral dissertation, Barcelona, 2018).

The relationship between the Greek and Phrygian languages is a complex and multifaceted topic that continues to intrigue scholars. The evidence suggests a close connection, possibly even a shared proto-language, but the fragmentary nature of the Phrygian language and the challenges of distinguishing between inherited and borrowed features make definitive conclusions difficult. Nevertheless, the study of Greek and Phrygian offers valuable insights into the linguistic and cultural history of the eastern Mediterranean and the broader Indo-European language family. As new discoveries and analyses emerge, our understanding of this relationship will undoubtedly continue to evolve.

In Anatolia, Greece's Historical Period, Aegean Prehistory Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Illustration by Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

The Aegean Pre-Alphabetic Scripts of the Bronze Age: A Comprehensive Exploration

August 23, 2024

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


The Silent Voices of the Aegean: Exploring Cretan Hieroglyphic, Linear A, and Linear B

The Bronze Age of the Aegean region is renowned not only for its advancements in architecture, art, and trade but also for its early forms of written communication. Among the most significant discoveries are the pre-alphabetic scripts, which provide invaluable insights into the cultures that used them. The three primary types of Aegean scripts—Cretan Hieroglyphic, Linear A, and Linear B—are fundamental to understanding the evolution of writing in the ancient world. These scripts, each with distinct characteristics and historical contexts, represent the development of complex administrative and record-keeping systems in the Aegean civilizations. This article delves into these three scripts, analyzing their origins, usage, and significance.

Cretan Hieroglyphic

Cretan hieroglyphic is the earliest of the three scripts, dating back to the early 2nd millennium BC. It was discovered on the island of Crete, with the most notable findings from sites such as Malia, Knossos, and Petras in Lasithi. The script, comprising a collection of symbols, was primarily found on clay tablets, seals, and other artifacts, including the famous Phaistos Disc and the Arkalochori Axe. The first comprehensive collection of these symbols was made by Arthur Evans in 1909, followed by further studies by researchers like Meijer (1982) and Olivier/Godart (1996). In total, 314 symbols have been identified, offering a glimpse into the administrative and possibly religious activities of the Minoan civilization.

The Cretan Hieroglyphic script remains partially understood, with many of its symbols bearing a resemblance to those found in Linear A. This resemblance has led scholars to attempt correlations between the two scripts, hypothesizing that some symbols in Cretan Hieroglyphic may have similar phonetic values to those in Linear B, a script that was deciphered and known to represent an early form of Greek. However, the exact linguistic content of Cretan Hieroglyphic remains elusive, as the script has not been fully deciphered and its language is not definitively identified.

Despite these challenges, the study of Cretan Hieroglyphic is crucial for understanding the development of writing in the Aegean. It provides evidence of an advanced society capable of complex record-keeping and offers insights into the cultural and economic life of the Minoans. The script’s use on a variety of objects suggests it had a broad application, possibly extending beyond administrative functions to include religious or ceremonial contexts.

Linear A

Following Cretan Hieroglyphic, Linear A emerged as a more streamlined script, widely used in Minoan Crete during the middle to late Bronze Age. Discovered by Arthur Evans in 1900, Linear A is believed to have evolved from Cretan Hieroglyphic and is considered the direct predecessor of Linear B. While Linear B has been successfully deciphered and linked to the Mycenaean Greek language, Linear A remains an enigma, its language undeciphered and its meanings largely speculative.

Linear A is predominantly found on clay tablets, similar to those used for Linear B, indicating its primary role in administrative record-keeping. Archaeological evidence of Linear A has been uncovered at numerous sites across Crete, including Knossos, Phaistos, and Malia, as well as in other locations in the Aegean, such as Milos, Kea, Kythera, Thera, Miletus, and even as far as Troy. The geographical spread of Linear A suggests that it was used by a wide-ranging network of communities engaged in trade and communication across the Aegean.

The persistence of Linear A in various regions, despite the eventual dominance of Linear B, underscores its importance in the pre-Mycenaean world. The script’s continued mystery has inspired numerous attempts at decipherment, but without a clear understanding of the underlying language, these efforts have yielded limited success. The study of Linear A, therefore, remains fertile ground for research, offering the potential for significant breakthroughs in our understanding of Minoan civilization and its connections with other contemporary cultures.

Linear B

Linear B represents the culmination of the Aegean pre-alphabetic scripts, and it holds a special place in history as the earliest known script used to write Greek. Developed during the Mycenaean period, from the 17th to the 13th centuries BC, Linear B is a derivative of Linear A, adapted to the needs of the Mycenaean Greeks. It was primarily employed for administrative purposes, with the majority of the texts found being records of economic transactions, inventories, and lists related to palace management.

The decipherment of Linear B by Michael Ventris in 1952 was a landmark achievement in the field of archaeology and linguistics, as it revealed that the script represented an archaic form of Greek. This breakthrough provided a direct link between the Mycenaean civilization and later Greek culture, demonstrating the continuity of Greek language and scriptural traditions. The vast majority of Linear B texts—about 5,000—have been found on clay tablets, with significant concentrations at Knossos (around 3,000), Pylos (around 1,400), and Thebes (around 300). Smaller numbers of tablets have been discovered at other Mycenaean sites, such as Mycenae, Tiryns, Eleusis, Orchomenos, and even in the far reaches of Crete, at Chania and Malia.

The content of Linear B tablets offers a detailed picture of the administrative complexity of Mycenaean society. They document a highly organized system of governance, with meticulous records kept of goods, personnel, and transactions. This level of bureaucratic sophistication is indicative of the advanced nature of Mycenaean political and economic structures. The use of Linear B was eventually abandoned with the collapse of the Mycenaean palatial civilization around 1200 BCE, leading to a period of reduced literacy and record-keeping known as the Greek Dark Ages.


The History of Writing; Tracing the Development of expressing Language by Systems of Markings


Conclusion

The study of the Aegean pre-alphabetic scripts—Cretan Hieroglyphic, Linear A, and Linear B—offers a window into the administrative, economic, and possibly religious life of the Bronze Age Aegean civilizations. Each script, in its own way, represents a step in the evolution of writing, from the symbolic Cretan Hieroglyphic to the more linear and structured Linear A, and finally to the fully deciphered Linear B, which provides direct evidence of the early Greek language. While much remains to be discovered, particularly regarding the undeciphered Linear A, these scripts continue to be a subject of fascination and study, as they hold the key to unlocking the mysteries of one of the world’s earliest literate societies. The ongoing research into these scripts not only enhances our understanding of the ancient Aegean world but also contributes to the broader narrative of human linguistic and cultural development.

In Aegean Prehistory Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

A Comparative Study of Luwian and Cretan Hieroglyphs: Independent Origins or Shared Inspiration?

August 11, 2024

The ancient world is replete with various writing systems that developed independently across different civilizations. Two such systems are the Luwian and the Minoan-Cretan hieroglyphs. The Luwian hieroglyphs emerged in central and southwestern Anatolia around 1400 BCE, used by the Luwian people. In contrast, the Minoan-Cretan hieroglyphs were developed on the island of Crete around 1900 BCE and lasted until about 1600 BCE, representing the first form of writing for the Minoan civilization.

Luwian hieroglyphs were primarily used for inscriptions on stone and metal, serving administrative, ceremonial, and monumental purposes. These hieroglyphs persisted until approximately the 7th century BCE. The Minoan-Cretan hieroglyphs, meanwhile, appeared mainly on seals and other small objects, often used in administrative and possibly religious contexts. They eventually gave way to the Linear A script, which was more efficient for record-keeping and communication.


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Luwian logograms

Connections and Interactions Between Luwian and Minoan-Cretan Hieroglyphs

The question of whether the Luwian and Minoan-Cretan hieroglyphs were connected or influenced by each other is complex and multifaceted. The predominant theory is that these writing systems developed independently. Geographically, even though the Luwians and Minoans were not quite distant, no direct evidence suggests significant administrative interaction that could have led to one civilization borrowing or adapting the writing system of the other.

However, the broader context of the ancient Mediterranean, characterized by extensive trade and cultural exchange, raises the possibility of indirect influences. The Minoans had established trade networks that reached as far as Egypt and the Near East, while the Luwians, as part of the broader Hittite cultural sphere, also engaged in widespread interactions. This interconnectedness may have facilitated the sharing of the concept of writing, even if the specific symbols and structures remained unique to each culture.


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The Cretan Hieroglyphic table of signs, as suggested in the inscriptions corpus. This figure was uploaded by Artemis Karnava

The Role of Egyptian Hieroglyphs

Given the prominence of Egyptian hieroglyphs, which emerged around 3200 BCE, it is natural to consider their potential influence on other hieroglyphic systems like the Luwian and Minoan-Cretan. The Egyptians had a highly developed system of writing that was widely known and respected across the ancient world. Their hieroglyphs were used in religious texts, monumental inscriptions, and administrative records, and they represented a powerful cultural and intellectual model.

The Minoans, who had established trading relationships with Egypt, likely encountered Egyptian hieroglyphs. While the visual and structural elements of Minoan-Cretan hieroglyphs differ significantly from Egyptian hieroglyphs, the concept of a pictographic writing system could have been an inspirational catalyst. This influence would have been more about the idea of using symbols to represent sounds and meanings rather than a direct borrowing of symbols.


Parna of Anatolia and Greece's Parnassus: Tracing The Linguistic and Cultural Ties Between Carians and Greeks


A map illustrating the late Bronze Age trade in the eastern Mediterranean seaboard as a region of increasing connectivity between the key players Pharaonic Egypt in the south, the Hittite Empire, Mesopotamia, and the Levant to the east, and the Mycenaean Civilization to the west.
by Simeon Netchev.

Independent Development or Cultural Borrowing?

The development of writing systems is often influenced by a combination of independent innovation and cultural borrowing. In the case of Luwian and Minoan-Cretan hieroglyphs, the evidence suggests a predominance of local innovation. Each culture developed a system suited to its specific needs and context. The Luwian hieroglyphs reflect the administrative and ceremonial needs of a land-based Anatolian society, while the Minoan-Cretan hieroglyphs align with the administrative and possibly religious needs of a maritime island culture.

Nevertheless, the ancient Mediterranean was a melting pot of ideas and innovations. The concept of writing itself, as a powerful tool for administration and communication, could have spread through indirect cultural exchanges. The Minoans and Luwians, aware of the writing systems of neighboring civilizations, may have been inspired to develop their own systems to enhance their cultural and administrative capacities. While direct borrowing of symbols is unlikely, the broader idea of writing as a tool for complex societies likely influenced their respective developments.


The three different Writing Systems of Ancient Anatolian languages: Cuneiform, Hieroglyphic, and Alphabetic Texts


In conclusion, while Luwian and Minoan-Cretan hieroglyphs appear to have developed independently, the interconnectedness of the ancient world means that indirect influences and shared ideas played a role in the spread of writing as a concept. Each civilization adapted this concept to fit its unique context, resulting in distinct but functionally similar systems of hieroglyphic writing.

In Aegean Prehistory, Anatolia Tags D, The Archaeologist Editorial Group

Illustration by Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Parna of Anatolia and Greece's Parnassus: Tracing The Linguistic and Cultural Ties Between Luwians and Greeks

July 28, 2024

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


The Shared Sacredness of the word “Parna” and the Greek toponym “Parnassus”

The intriguing linguistic and cultural connections between the ancient languages of Anatolia and Greece have long been a subject of scholarly interest. One such connection is the term "parna," found in the Luwian and Carian languages, and its potential relationship to the Greek toponym "Parnassus."

The Word “Parna” in Luwian and Carian Languages

Luwian and Carian were ancient languages spoken in what is now modern-day Turkey. These languages are part of the broader Anatolian branch of the Indo-European language family, which also includes Hittite. The Luwians and Carians, like their Hittite neighbors, had rich and complex religious traditions. The term "parna" in these languages is interpreted to mean "sacred site" or "holy house," and it appears in various inscriptions and texts, often in contexts that describe sacred places or objects associated with religious worship.

The use of "parna" underscores the significance of certain locations and items in the spiritual practices of the Luwians and Carians. These inscriptions provide valuable insights into the religious life of these ancient peoples, showing how they designated and revered their sacred spaces. The contexts in which "parna" appears often relate to temples, holy objects, or locations that hold particular spiritual importance, indicating a well-developed sense of the sacred.

Furthermore, the widespread use of "parna" in religious contexts highlights the role of language in shaping and expressing cultural and religious identities. By examining how this term was used, scholars can better understand the ways in which the Luwians and Carians conceptualized their sacred spaces and practices, offering a richer picture of their belief systems and societal values.

Parnassus: The Greek Sacred Mountain

Mount Parnassus, located in central Greece, holds a significant place in Greek mythology and religion. It is famously known as the home of the Muses, the goddesses of inspiration in literature, science, and the arts. Additionally, Parnassus is closely associated with Apollo, the god of music, poetry, and prophecy. The sacred site of Delphi, situated on the southwestern slopes of Parnassus, was one of the most important religious centers in the ancient Greek world.

The mountain's significance in Greek culture is reflected in numerous myths and legends. According to one myth, Parnassus was the mountain on which Deucalion and Pyrrha, the Greek equivalents of Noah, landed after a great flood, repopulating the earth. Another legend states that the Corycian Cave on Parnassus was home to the nymphs and a place of oracular prophecy. Such stories underscore the mountain's revered status in Greek spirituality and its role as a nexus of divine activity.

The name "Parnassus" itself has intrigued linguists and historians due to its possible etymological ties to the Anatolian word "parna." This connection suggests that the ancient Greek-speaking population may have inherited or adapted the concept of sacredness from another pre-Greek-speaking native population, maybe related to the so-called Pelasgians, Minoans, or some Anatolian-speaking group that first inhabited the Greek mainland. The similarities between the two words propose a shared or borrowed concept of sacredness that transcends regional boundaries, pointing to the dynamic linguistic and cultural exchanges that shaped ancient beliefs.

Anatolian Influence on Ancient Greek Place-Names: The 'Parnassian' Language Theory

The potential link between "Parna" and "Parnassus" is not merely a linguistic curiosity but may also reflect deeper cultural boundaries between the ancient civilizations of Anatolia and Greece. Throughout history, these regions have been in close contact through trade, migration, and conflicts. Such interactions would have facilitated the exchange of religious ideas and terminology, allowing for a blending of spiritual concepts.

Evidence of these cultural connections is seen in various archaeological finds and historical records. For example, the trade routes even from the Chalcolithic period that connected Anatolia and Greece would have brought not only goods but also ideas and beliefs, fostering a milieu where sacred concepts could be shared and adapted. This blending is reflected in the similarities between the religious practices and terminologies of these ancient peoples, suggesting a common cultural heritage or mutual influence.

The potential etymological link between "parna" and "Parnassus" implies that the concept of sacredness embodied by "parna" could have influenced Greek perceptions of Parnassus as a holy place. This influence is seen in the reverence with which the Greeks regarded Mount Parnassus and its associated myths and religious practices. While direct evidence of linguistic borrowing is scarce, the shared notion of a sacred site suggests a deep and enduring linguistic connection between these ancient cultures.

Scholars have identified an Indo-European substrate language related to Luwian that influenced both ancient Greek and Anatolian languages. This language is considered responsible for the prevalence of place names ending in -ssa and -nda in western Asia Minor and -ssos and -nthos in mainland Greece. The name "Parnassos" in Greece is believed to derive from the Luwian word "parna-" with the possessive suffix "-ssa." Both Hittite and Luwian texts reference a place called Parnassa, indicating a possible connection.

Philologist Martin L. West suggested naming this unattested Anatolian language "Parnassian" and proposed that it represents a group of people who migrated from Thrace to Anatolia and Greece around 2800 BC. The distribution of these place names suggests the language was spoken during the Early Helladic II period.

Despite this, distinguishing between "Parnassian" loanwords and pre-Indo-European substrate words is challenging. Some words, like τολύπη (tolúpē), share features with Anatolian languages but lack Indo-European cognates, implying a non-Indo-European source. Researchers contend that pre-Indo-European settlers from Asia Minor may have introduced pre-Greek substrates, indicating multiple linguistic influences. While many Anatolian-origin words in Greek relate to cultural exchange rather than a substratum, the presence of these terms points to extensive linguistic interactions across the Aegean Sea.

Conclusion

The relationship between the Luwian and Carian term "parna" and the Greek toponym "Parnassus" underscores the interconnectedness of ancient civilizations. The shared concept of sacredness reflects not only linguistic parallels but also the profound cultural exchanges that shaped the religious landscapes of the ancient Mediterranean world. As scholars continue to explore these connections, we gain a deeper understanding of how ancient peoples perceived and revered the sacred spaces that defined their spiritual lives.

In unraveling these connections, we see a testament to the rich tapestry of human history, where languages and cultures intermingle and sacred concepts travel across regions and epochs. The study of "parna" and "Parnassus" offers a glimpse into the spiritual life of ancient civilizations and the ways in which they articulated and celebrated the divine, reminding us of the enduring legacy of these ancient traditions in our own cultural and religious practices today.


References

  • Beekes, Robert S. P. (2009). Etymological Dictionary of Greek.

  • Finkelberg, Margalit (2006). Greeks and Pre-Greeks: Aegean Prehistory and Greek Heroic Tradition.

  • Furnée, Edzard J. (1972). Die Wichtigsten Konsonantischen Erscheinungen Des Vorgriechischen: Mit Einem Appendix Über Den Vokalismus.

  • Mihaylova, Biliana (2012). The Pre-Greek Substratum Revisited.

  • Mylonas, George E. (1962). The Luwian Invasions of Greece.

  • Palmer, Leonard Rober. (1965). Mycenaeans and Minoans.

  • Renfrew, Colin (1998). Word of Minos: The Minoan Contribution to Mycenaean Greek and the Linguistic Geography of the Bronze Age Aegean.

  • West, Martin L. (2007). Indo-European Poetry and Myth.

In Anatolia, Aegean Prehistory, Greece's Historical Period Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Early Astronomy Knowledge of Minoan Crete: The Kastelli Complex and Palaikastro's Matrix

June 28, 2024

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


The newly discovered Minoan Monumental Circular Architectural Complex at Kastelli and the ancient device from Palaikastro, both from Crete, exhibit remarkable similarities in their circular designs and intricate construction.

The recent unearthing of the Monumental Circular Architectural Complex at Kastelli marks a groundbreaking moment in Minoan archaeology. This complex, defined by a series of concentric stone rings surrounding a central circular structure, showcases the advanced geometric and architectural capabilities of the Minoans. The precision and alignment of these rings hint at possible ceremonial or astronomical uses, suggesting that the Minoans possessed a sophisticated understanding of spatial dynamics and celestial phenomena.

Intriguingly, this architectural marvel bears a striking resemblance to another extraordinary Minoan artifact: the Palaikastro device. This device, predating the Antikythera Mechanism by 1400 years, is regarded as the first analog computer in history. Designed to track celestial bodies, the Palaikastro device underscores the Minoans' capacity for creating complex mechanical tools. The circular design elements of both the Kastelli complex and the Palaikastro device highlight a continuity of technological innovation and intellectual achievement in ancient Crete.

The Kastelli complex's labyrinthine design, featuring radial walls and intricate concentric rings, mirrors the mechanical precision found in the Palaikastro device. This parallelism suggests a shared cultural and technological milieu that fostered advanced scientific and architectural endeavors. The Minoans' ability to integrate practical engineering with ritualistic and astronomical functions reveals a civilization deeply engaged with both the physical and metaphysical realms.

The Kastelli discovery, when viewed alongside the Palaikastro device, illuminates the Minoans' sophisticated approach to both architecture and technology. These artifacts collectively underscore the Minoans' reputation as pioneers of early scientific thought and innovation. As excavations and research continue, we can expect to uncover even more insights into the intellectual and cultural achievements of this remarkable civilization.


Debunking The Peace Myth Of The Minoans: New Archaeological Insights Into Warfare And Defense In Bronze Age Crete


Further studies on these sites may reveal additional connections between Minoan architecture and early computational devices, offering a more comprehensive understanding of their contributions to the development of science and technology. The intricate designs and precise engineering of the Kastelli complex and the Palaikastro device stand as testaments to the Minoans' advanced knowledge and their lasting impact on the history of human innovation.

In Aegean Prehistory Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Poliochni of Lemnos: The Oldest City in Europe and a Cradle of Democracy

May 19, 2024

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


Nestled on the island of Lemnos, Poliochni stands as a testament to the ancient roots of European civilization. Recognized as the oldest city on the European continent, Poliochni is a site of immense archaeological and historical significance. Its discovery and excavation have provided scholars with a window into early urban development and the embryonic stages of democratic governance.

Discovery and Excavation

Poliochni was first excavated in the early 20th century by the Italian School of Archaeology at Athens. The site revealed a multi-layered settlement that spanned several millennia, with evidence of continuous habitation from the Late Chalcolithic to the Late Bronze Age. The richness of its artifacts and the complexity of its structures quickly set Poliochni apart as a site of major importance in understanding prehistoric Aegean societies.

The Urban Layout

Poliochni's urban planning is remarkably sophisticated for its time. The city was divided into distinct quarters, each serving different functions. The architecture includes residential areas, workshops, and public buildings, all arranged in a grid-like pattern. This layout indicates a high level of social organization and communal planning, which is quite advanced considering the era in which the city thrived.

Democratic Structures

One of the most intriguing aspects of Poliochni is the evidence of democratic structures within its society. Central to this is the "Bouleuterion," a communal meeting space that points to the practice of collective decision-making. The Bouleuterion served as a gathering place for the city’s inhabitants to discuss and decide on matters of common interest, reflecting an early form of democratic governance.

The presence of the Bouleuterion in Poliochni predates similar structures found in classical Greece by several centuries. This challenges traditional narratives about the origins of democracy, suggesting that the principles of collective governance and public deliberation were experimented with much earlier than previously thought.

The Enigmatic Lemnos Stele: Bridging Aegean And Etruscan Civilizations

Societal Implications

The existence of such democratic practices in Poliochni offers profound insights into the social and political life of its inhabitants. It implies a society where individuals had a say in communal affairs, fostering a sense of participation and responsibility among the populace. This early experimentation with democratic principles highlights the innovative spirit of Poliochni's residents and their contribution to the broader development of political systems in human history.

Cultural and Historical Significance

Poliochni's importance extends beyond its architectural and political innovations. The city's artifacts, including pottery, tools, and jewelry, reveal a thriving culture engaged in trade and craftsmanship. These artifacts provide valuable information about the daily lives, beliefs, and economic activities of the people who lived there.

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The city's strategic location on Lemnos also underscores its role as a significant hub in the prehistoric Aegean world. Poliochni likely facilitated interactions between different cultures and regions, contributing to the exchange of ideas and technologies that shaped the development of ancient societies, with its Anatolian features of the earliest layers were affected by cultural influences from Helladic Greece, about the start of Early Helladic II, ca. 2500 BC.

Gold treasure from Poliochni, National Archaeological Museum of Athens

Legacy and Modern Appreciation

Today, Poliochni is celebrated not only as the oldest city in Europe but also as a precursor to democratic governance. Its archaeological remains continue to be a focal point for research and exploration, offering new discoveries and insights into early European history.

Visitors to Lemnos can explore the site and imagine the bustling activity of an ancient city that once stood at the forefront of urban and political innovation. Poliochni serves as a reminder of the deep historical roots of democratic ideas and the enduring legacy of early human ingenuity.

In conclusion, Poliochni is more than an archaeological site; it is a symbol of early urbanism and democratic experimentation. Its discovery has reshaped our understanding of the development of European civilization, highlighting the sophisticated social structures that existed long before classical antiquity. As research continues, Poliochni will undoubtedly remain a key piece in the puzzle of humanity's past, offering inspiration and insight for future generations.

In Aegean Prehistory Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Illustration by Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

The Enigmatic Lemnos Stele: Bridging Aegean and Etruscan Civilizations

May 11, 2024

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


A Window into Ancient Mediterranean Languages

In the rich tapestry of Mediterranean history, few artifacts are as enigmatic and potentially illuminating as the Lemnos Stele. Discovered on the Greek island of Lemnos, this ancient stone stele offers a rare glimpse into the Iron Age linguistic and cultural connections between different Mediterranean civilizations. Known also as the Kaminia Stele, named after the area where it was found, this artifact bears inscriptions in a script that challenges both linguists and historians to decode its secrets and the history it carries.

The Discovery of the Lemnos Stele

The Lemnos Stele was uncovered in 1885 near the village of Kaminia on the island of Lemnos, Greece. This find was significant not only because of its age, dating back to the 6th century BC, but also because it features one of the few known inscriptions in the Lemnian language. The stele displays a relief of a male figure, possibly a warrior or noble, alongside inscriptions that are critical for our understanding of ancient languages.

The stele, also referred to as the Stele of Kaminia, was originally part of a church wall in Kaminia before its relocation to the National Archaeological Museum of Athens. Dated to the 6th century BC, its historical context is framed by the Athenian invasion led by Miltiades in 510 BC, which initiated the “hellenization” of Lemnos. The stele features a low-relief bust of a man and bears an inscription in an alphabet akin to the western ("Chalcidian") Greek alphabet. The inscription, arranged in the Boustrophedon style, has been transliterated and has started to be meaningfully translated following advancements in the understanding of Etruscan, facilitated by linguistic comparisons.

Linguistic Significance and similarities to the etruscan language

The inscriptions on the Lemnos Stele are primarily in the Lemnian language, which shows intriguing similarities to the Etruscan language, spoken contemporaneously in regions of what is now modern Italy.

The inscription comprises 198 characters, which are organized into 33 to 40 words; in some cases, word separation is marked by one to three dots. The text is divided into three sections on the front, with two sections written vertically (1; 6-7) and one horizontally (2-5). A decipherable segment, "sivai avis šialχvis" ('lived forty years', B.3), mirrors the Etruscan phrase "maχs śealχis-c" ('and forty-five years'), suggesting it commemorates the lifespan of an individual, possibly named Holaie Phokiaš, referred to as "holaiesi φokiašiale" ('to Holaie Phokiaš', B.1). This individual might have once held the title "maras," as indicated by "marasm avis aomai" ('and was a maras for one year', B3). Intriguingly, the text includes the term "naφoθ," akin to the Etruscan "nefts" ('nephew/uncle'), indicating a possible linguistic borrowing from Latin nepot-, which implies migration from or cultural contact with the Italic peninsula. Notably, in 1893, G. Kleinschmidt suggested the translation "haralio eptesio" could refer to Hippias, a tyrant of Athens who is believed to have died on Lemnos in 490 BC, indicating political connections reflected in the inscription.

This similarity has led scholars to hypothesize about ancient migrations and cultural exchanges across the Mediterranean. The Lemnian language, as evidenced by the stele, might represent a linguistic bridge between cultures of the Aegean and the Italian Peninsula, offering clues to the prehistoric movements and interactions of these ancient peoples.

The lemnian language

The Lemnian language, spoken on the Greek island of Lemnos during the latter part of the 6th century BC, serves as a crucial link in understanding the linguistic landscape of the ancient Mediterranean. Additional inscriptions found on pottery fragments and a newer inscription from Hephaistia underscore that Lemnian was a living language within the community. This linguistic connection is further solidified by the stele's use of the Western Greek alphabet, which shares similarities with the archaic variant used for Etruscan in southern Etruria, suggesting a shared or parallel linguistic evolution.

The alignment of Lemnian with Etruscan and Raetic, established through linguistic features such as unique dative cases and specific lexical correspondences, underscores a profound cross-regional linguistic and cultural exchange. Notable examples include the use of similar genitive and past tense constructions and numbers with comparable morphological structures. Despite these linguistic ties, the theory of a shared Tyrsenian language family, which includes Lemnian, posits a broader, perhaps pre-Indo-European, linguistic substrate in Europe.

Inscribed altar base of Hephaistia. Photograph courtesy of SAIA and Carlo de Simone.

This perspective is supported by recent genetic studies indicating that Etruscans were autochthonous to Italy, with no significant genetic links to Anatolia, suggesting that the language similarities found in Lemnos might reflect ancient migrations from the Italian peninsula rather than a direct connection with the Sea Peoples or other groups. This linguistic and genetic isolation frames the Lemnian language not only as a relic of ancient linguistic diversity but also as a window into the interactions that shaped the ancient Mediterranean world.

greek tradition on the Pelasgians and their Language

According to Greek tradition, the Pelasgians occupied large swaths of Greece before the arrival of the Greeks, notably in regions like Thessaly and Attica. Homer references them in the Iliad as allies of Troy, and in the Odyssey, they are depicted among the tribes populating the ninety cities of Crete.

Herodotus, the ancient Greek historian, talked about the Pelasgians, an ancient people who lived in various parts of Greece before the Greeks. He mentioned that these people, including those from the island of Lemnos, once lived in the region of Attica but were later expelled by the Athenians. Regarding their language, Herodotus wasn't sure exactly what language the Pelasgians spoke. However, he suggested that if we look at the language of the Pelasgians who were still around in his time—like those living in Creston and those who founded cities near the Hellespont after leaving Athens—we might conclude that the Pelasgians spoke a language that was very different from their Greek neighbors. He noted that in places like Creston and Placia, the people spoke a unique language that was different from any nearby languages, indicating that they preserved their original Pelasgian language even after moving to new areas.

Archaeological and Historical Context

The physical features of the stele suggest that it may have served as a grave marker or a monument celebrating the achievements of the individual depicted. The style of the carving and the script form a crucial part of the archaeological record, helping to place Lemnos within the broader networks of trade and cultural exchange in the Iron Age Mediterranean.

From an archaeological standpoint, the Lemnos Stele helps to fill a gap in our understanding of the socio-political structures of the island during the 6th century BC. The presence of such an inscription suggests a society with its own distinct identity and language yet clearly participating in the cultural and material exchanges that characterized the Mediterranean region at the time.

Challenges in Decipherment

The decipherment of the Lemnian language remains incomplete, with many challenges still to overcome. Unlike the Rosetta Stone, which provided a bilingual key to unlocking the Egyptian hieroglyphs, the Lemnos Stele offers text only in Lemnian, limiting direct comparison with better-understood languages. Each word and symbol on the stele is a puzzle piece in the broader picture of Iron Age languages, requiring meticulous analysis to understand its syntax and vocabulary.

The Lemnos Stele stands as a testament to the complex web of ancient Mediterranean civilizations. As both an artifact of cultural expression and a bearer of cryptic linguistic data, it challenges and enlightens modern scholars. In studying the Lemnos Stele, we delve deeper into the past, piecing together the movements, exchanges, and interactions that shaped the ancient world. The ongoing study of this remarkable stele not only enriches our understanding of ancient languages but also enhances our appreciation of the cultural and historical connections that link diverse societies across time and space. The decipherment and interpretation of the Lemnian inscriptions continue to hold the promise of unlocking further secrets of the ancient Mediterranean, making the Lemnos Stele a focal point of historical and linguistic research in the years to come.

In Aegean Prehistory Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Debunking the Peace Myth of the Minoans: New Archaeological Insights into Warfare and Defense in Bronze Age Crete

May 6, 2024

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


The Truth Behind Minoan Civilization's Alleged Peacefulness: Unveiling the Role of Weaponry and Warfare in Bronze Age Crete

The Minoan civilization, flourishing on the island of Crete during the Bronze Age, has long been celebrated for its impressive artistic achievements and architectural sophistication. Recent archaeological discoveries, however, have posed a growing challenge to the perception of the Minoans as a particularly peaceful society free of the conflicts that frequently afflicted contemporaneous cultures. These findings compel a reevaluation of the traditional narrative, suggesting a civilization that was as complex and war-ready as any other in the ancient world.

Unpacking the Myth of Peace

Early 20th-century archaeologists like Arthur Evans based the serene portrayal of Minoan life primarily on the absence of fortifications typically associated with Bronze Age cities. Evans, who unearthed the grand palace at Knossos, posited that the Minoans were a peaceful people, focusing on art and commerce rather than war. The abundance of vibrant frescoes and the absence of obvious defensive structures in Minoan urban centers initially supported this interpretation. However, a deeper investigation into Minoan society reveals a different reality. Recent studies have uncovered evidence of fortified settlements and structures throughout Crete, indicating a need for defense and military preparedness. The presence of weapons, combat injuries on skeletal remains, and fortified sites contradicts the notion of an entirely peaceful Minoan civilization and points to a society well-acquainted with the aspects of warfare.

Evidence of Militarization and Elite Control

Further analysis shows that Minoan elites may have played a significant role in militarizing society. Artifacts and artwork depict elite men engaging in hunting and sports, activities that doubled as combat training. The existence of guardhouses and controlled routes within Minoan territories suggests a systematic approach to both internal management and defense against external threats. The strategic placement of coastal fortresses and hilltop settlements across Crete supports the idea of a trade-dominant civilization that did not shy away from using force to protect its economic interests and maintain social order. Additionally, the discovery of warrior burials and weapon-related injuries among human remains indicates that the Minoans experienced and perhaps engaged in conflicts more frequently than previously thought.

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View fullsize The fresco Captain of the Blacks at Knossos, thought to represent a Minoan officer with two spears, leading a troop of Nubian mercenaries.jpg
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Technological Advancements in Warfare

The Minoans were also notable for their advancements in military technology. The evolution of Minoan weaponry, including the introduction of swords designed solely for battle and the use of metal armor, highlights a sophisticated approach to warfare. The island's wealth and Minoan metallurgical prowess are likely what sparked these developments, which led to significant advancements in weaponry. The influence of foreign cultures, through the adoption of new weapon styles and defensive tactics from mainland Greece and Central Europe, further illustrates the Minoans' integration into a broader network of martial exchange and adaptation.

The peaceful image of Minoan civilization has been a subject of fascination and admiration for many decades. However, recent archaeological efforts have painted a more nuanced picture of this ancient society, revealing its capacity for conflict and its prowess in military strategy and technology. This reassessment does not diminish the cultural and artistic achievements of the Minoans but rather adds a layer of complexity to our understanding of their civilization. It shows a society that balanced its artistic inclinations with practical necessities of defense and aggression, reflecting a more realistic portrayal of Minoan Crete as an influential and dynamic power in the ancient Mediterranean world.

In Aegean Prehistory Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Illustration by Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Unraveling the Myth of the Trojan Horse: Historical Theories Behind the Legendary Tale

May 4, 2024

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis


The Trojan Horse, a legendary icon of deceit from Greek mythology, has captivated the imaginations of historians, archaeologists, and the public for centuries. This grand tale, which is part of Homer's larger Epic Cycle, marks the end of the ten-year Trojan War and demonstrates the cunning and cunning of the Greek forces under Odysseus. But beneath the layers of myth, what could the Trojan Horse really represent? There are numerous theories that attempt to explain this enigmatic story, each with its own interpretation of archaeological findings and historical analysis.

The Literal Interpretation: A Giant Wooden Horse

The most straightforward interpretation of the Trojan Horse myth comes from Homer’s epics and Virgil's Aeneid, where it is depicted as a literal giant wooden horse used to conceal soldiers within its hollow body (Virgil, Aeneid II). This narrative has often been taken at face value in popular culture; however, scholars like Clifford Broeniman suggest that interpretations of Homer often reflect broader themes of deceit and intelligence in warfare rather than specific historical events.

'Mykonos Vase'; This Is The Oldest Depiction Of The Trojan Horse

Siege Engine Theory

The idea of the horse as a siege engine, such as a battering ram, as described by classical and modern scholars, aligns with the allegorical use of animal names for war machines in ancient texts (Fields, 2004). In ancient warfare, the use of siege engines was a common tactic to overcome fortified cities. Theories suggesting that the Trojan Horse was a metaphor for a siege engine, such as a battering ram or siege tower, provide a compelling reinterpretation of the myth. These engines, often named after animals, could symbolically represent the "horse" that breached Troy's impenetrable walls.

Earthquake: A Natural Destructor

The theory that the Trojan Horse myth represents an earthquake is supported by the geological instability of the region around Troy, known for its frequent seismic activities that could have led to the city’s periodic destruction (Wood, 1985). This interpretation posits that the "horse" was a metaphor for the earth-shaking destruction that weakened Troy, which might have been seen as an act of divine intervention, thus entering the mythic narrative.

The Trojan Horse, Carnelian scarab, Etruscan, Populonia, 500 BCE–475 BCE, Met Museum.

A Trojan Ship: Naval Warfare Misinterpreted

Another innovative theory is that the "horse" was, in fact, a ship or a fleet of ships. Considering the importance of naval power in Greek military prowess, it is plausible that a surprise naval attack could have been allegorically described as a "horse," especially if the ship had a prominent horse figurehead, which was common in ancient naval design.

This nautical explanation was explored by Joaquin Ruiz de Arbulo Bayona, suggesting that the horse could symbolize a ship used in a surprise attack against Troy, possibly inspired by the Phoenician ship design known as Hippos, indicating a 'horse' that might have played a critical role in breaching the city's defenses.

Late Minoan clay seal depiction of a transport vessel with a figure of a horse superimposed. Source here.

Diplomatic Guile: The Horse as a Gift

Another layer of interpretation views the horse as a symbol of diplomatic or psychological warfare. The offering of a supposed "gift," which in reality concealed Greek soldiers, could reflect practices of ancient warfare where deceit played a crucial role in military strategy. The intricate Greek narratives, which frequently emphasize the psychological aspects of war, such as the manipulation and expectations of the enemy, further support this idea (Kershaw, 2010).

A Tapestry of Truths and Tales

The Trojan Horse myth, therefore, emerges as a multifaceted symbol enriched by its interpretations across history, from literal wooden constructs to metaphoric representations of natural disasters or naval strategies. Each interpretation reflects not only the potential historical realities of the Trojan War period but also the complex ways in which ancient Greeks viewed their world and the mechanisms of fate and warfare. As new archaeological findings come to light and scholarly interpretations evolve, the legend of the Trojan Horse continues to offer a profound insight into the intersection of myth and reality, serving as a perennial reminder of the complexities of human history and the power of storytelling.

In Aegean Prehistory, Greece's Historical Period Tags Dimosthenis Vasiloudis
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