The Kalash People Are Not Descendants of Alexander the Great's Soldiers

Unraveling the Genetic Heritage of the Kalash People: Insights from Phylogenetic Analysis

The Kalash people of Pakistan often regard themselves as descendants of Alexander the Great, but genetic research does not appear to support this claim.

The Kalash are a religious minority with distinct, exotic features. They are an isolated ethnic group numbering around 4,000 individuals, surviving amidst predominantly Islamic populations. They speak an Indo-European language and have inhabited the Hindu Kush mountain range in northwestern Pakistan, near the Afghan border, for many centuries.

In various media outlets, the Kalash are frequently portrayed as descendants of veteran soldiers from Alexander the Great's army who settled in the region. However, genetic science offers a different perspective.

Research indicates that the Kalash are a pre-Islamic Indo-Aryan people of South Asia, with no specific genetic connection to the ancient Greeks of Macedon.

The recent study published in Scientific Reports delves into the genetic origins of the Kalash, an isolated Indo-European-speaking community residing in the Hindu Kush mountains of northern Pakistan. The research aims to elucidate the ancestral composition and historical movements of the Kalash population through comprehensive genetic analyses.

Methodology

The study analyzed genetic data from 98 male individuals identifying as Kalash, focusing on 22 autosomal short tandem repeats (STRs) and 23 Y-chromosomal STRs. These markers are instrumental in assessing genetic diversity and inferring phylogenetic relationships. The researchers employed statistical methods such as principal component analysis (PCA) and STRUCTURE analysis to compare the Kalash genetic profiles with those of regional and global populations.

Findings

The autosomal STR data revealed that the Kalash possess a unique genetic structure, distinct from neighboring Asian, European, and African populations. Y-chromosomal analyses indicated ancient associations with Eurasian-Indo-Iranian metapopulations. Notably, the Kalash exhibited minimal genetic admixture with surrounding South Asian populations, suggesting a long-standing genetic isolation. This isolation is further supported by the presence of specific Y-DNA haplogroups, such as G2a2, J2b2a, and R1a-Z93, which are associated with Neolithic and Indo-Iranian lineages.

Cultural and Historical Context

The Kalash people maintain a distinct cultural identity, characterized by a polytheistic religion and unique linguistic traditions. Their oral histories often link them to ancient populations, including possible connections to the soldiers of Alexander the Great. However, the genetic evidence suggests that their ancestry predates such historical events, aligning more closely with ancient Eurasian populations.

This study underscores the importance of the Kalash as a genetically and culturally distinct population. Their unique genetic makeup provides valuable insights into human population dynamics, migration patterns, and the effects of long-term isolation. The findings highlight the need for further research to explore the health implications of their genetic heritage and to inform conservation efforts aimed at preserving their cultural and genetic legacy.

For a detailed exploration of the study, you can access the full article here: Scientific Reports.

Reevaluating Israelite Origins: New Genetic and Cultural Evidence Suggests Steppe Ancestry

A recent interdisciplinary study by Johan Oosthuizen, titled “The Aryan Hypothesis: Identifying the Israelites”, challenges the prevailing view that the ancient Israelites were indigenous to Canaan. Integrating archaeogenetics, historical linguistics, scriptural analysis, and material culture, the research proposes that the Israelites were a genetically and phenotypically distinct population closely related to Middle to Late Bronze Age (MLBA) steppe cultures of Northern and Western Europe.

Methodology and Genetic Findings

Utilizing qpAdm admixture modeling, linkage disequilibrium analysis, and Y-DNA haplogroup tracking, the study identifies a significant influx of Steppe_MLBA-like ancestry into the Lebanese genome beginning around 1750 BCE, peaking around 960 BCE, and gradually increasing thereafter. This genetic input, particularly evident in Y-DNA haplogroups R1b and R1a, aligns temporally with the expansion of the Israelites and other Abrahamic groups into the Levant. The study argues that this influx cannot be attributed to known regional conquests by Assyrians, Persians, Macedonians, or Sea Peoples, suggesting instead a direct migration of an unadmixed population bearing a composite Steppe, Western Hunter-Gatherer (WHG), and Anatolian Neolithic Farmer (ANF) profile.

Phenotypic and Cultural Corroboration

Ancient depictions and genetic reconstructions indicate that the Israelites exhibited features consistent with Steppe_MLBA populations, including fair pigmentation, blue or green eyes, and intermediate to light hair color. Additionally, the presence of lactase persistence among the Israelites supports this connection, as such traits are prevalent in Steppe-descended populations. Culturally, Israelite practices such as patriarchy, pastoralism, metalworking, and chariot use mirror those of Steppe traditions. Linguistically, Hebrew shares Indo-European etymological patterns, including motifs rare in Afro-Asiatic languages, further supporting the hypothesis of a Steppe origin.

Conclusion

This study presents a compelling case for reevaluating the origins of the ancient Israelites, suggesting that they were not indigenous to Canaan but rather descended from Northern European populations associated with Steppe_MLBA cultures. The integration of genetic, phenotypic, linguistic, and cultural evidence provides a comprehensive framework for understanding the complex ancestry of the Israelites and their impact on the genetic landscape of the Levant.

For a detailed exploration of the study, you can access the full article here: The Aryan Hypothesis: Identifying the Israelites.

Tracing Cranial Evolution in Prehistoric Europe: Insights from the Upper Paleolithic to Bronze Age Migrations

A new study conducted by Pavel Grasgruber “The evolution of European cranial morphology: From the Upper Paleolithic to the Late Eneolithic steppe invasions” represents one of the most expansive craniometric analyses of European prehistoric populations to date, aiming to track morphological changes in cranial structure from the Upper Paleolithic through the Late Eneolithic, with a specific focus on the transitional phases marked by Neolithic farming dispersals and the later steppe migrations. By evaluating nearly four thousand male crania from 103 archaeologically dated European samples, this research provides key insights into the biological transformations that accompanied large-scale cultural shifts over a span of more than 20,000 years.

The methodological core of the study lies in the systematic application of traditional anthropometric techniques, measuring 22 cranial variables—11 raw cranial dimensions and 11 derived indices. The crania are grouped into six chronological phases spanning from ~25,000 BCE to ~2000 BCE. Advanced statistical procedures, such as principal component analysis (PCA), were employed to identify significant patterns in cranial morphology across time and geographic space.

The findings of the study reveal distinct shifts in cranial form that correlate closely with major cultural transitions. During the Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic periods, cranial morphology across Europe was typified by robust forms: large crania with broad faces and strong muscle attachments. These populations exhibit a high degree of morphological homogeneity over time, suggesting strong biological continuity despite environmental challenges and presumed population mobility.

Comparison of male skulls of Jamnaja-derived populations from the period 3000–2000 cal. BC. Source: Schwabedissen (1973); Schwabedissen (1978)

A marked transformation, however, occurs with the onset of the Neolithic period (~6000 BCE), initiated by the migration of Anatolian farmers into Europe. These groups introduced a more gracile cranial phenotype, characterized by narrower faces and more delicate cranial features. Notably, this shift does not suggest immediate or total population replacement; rather, Neolithic Europe becomes a mosaic of morphologically distinct populations, where early farmers coexisted and interbred with indigenous Mesolithic hunter-gatherers. This is particularly evident in areas such as the Mediterranean, Central Europe, and the Balkans.

The most significant cranial diversification emerges during the Late Eneolithic and Early Bronze Age (ca. 3000–2000 BCE), corresponding to the migration of steppe pastoralist groups, such as those associated with the Yamnaya culture. These migrations introduced new cranial morphotypes into Europe, diverging sharply from both Neolithic and earlier Upper Paleolithic populations. Two major morphological trajectories are observed: (1) the ultradolichocephalic type, typified by long-headed crania linked to the Corded Ware culture; and (2) the brachycephalic type, identified with the Bell Beaker culture and characterized by broader, shorter crania. These developments indicate complex admixture events and regionally differentiated outcomes of steppe-related demographic input.

Grasgruber’s synthesis suggests that European cranial morphology did not evolve along a linear or homogeneous path. Rather, it was repeatedly reshaped by demographic pulses of migration and cultural expansion, each leaving distinct biological signatures. While Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic continuity formed the baseline of European biological identity, this was successively modified first by Neolithic agricultural dispersals and later by Bronze Age steppe incursions.

Importantly, the study contributes to ongoing debates concerning the biological impact of prehistoric migrations, particularly in light of recent genetic studies that have corroborated massive gene flow from Anatolia and the Pontic-Caspian steppes. Grasgruber’s craniometric findings offer morphological validation of these genetic patterns, reinforcing the view that Europe's prehistoric demographic history was shaped by recurring waves of migration and integration, rather than isolation or single-event replacements.

This work further emphasizes the need for integrative frameworks that synthesize osteological, genetic, and archaeological data to reconstruct the biological history of European populations. By charting long-term morphological evolution, it underscores how deeply embedded human biology is in cultural and ecological contexts—making cranial form a valuable proxy for tracking population histories across deep time.

Conclusion

Grasgruber’s study stands as a landmark in bioarchaeological research, illustrating how cranial morphology can function as a powerful tool for tracing prehistoric human movement, interaction, and transformation. The correlation between cranial change and archaeological transitions from the Upper Paleolithic to the Bronze Age reveals the extent to which Europe's population history is marked by complexity, heterogeneity, and repeated episodes of demographic restructuring.

Rethinking Indo-European Origins in Scandinavia: New Archaeological Study Challenges the Single Wave Steppe Migration Hypothesis

Recent discourse on the Indo-Europeanization of Europe has been dominated by the steppe hypothesis, which posits a large-scale migration of Indo-European-speaking populations from the Pontic-Caspian steppes around 3000 BCE, associated with the Yamnaya culture and subsequently the Corded Ware complex. This model has gained traction largely due to advances in archaeogenetics, offering compelling evidence of population replacement and mobility. However, Rune Iversen's archaeological analysis titled “Issues with the Steppe Hypothesis: An Archaeological Perspective—Iconography, Mythology, and Language in Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Southern Scandinavia” introduces a critical perspective on this narrative by examining the southern Scandinavian region through the lens of iconography, mythological structures, and material culture transitions.

Iversen begins by observing that Neolithic iconography in southern Scandinavia, prior to the 2nd millennium BCE, was largely aniconic, favoring abstract, geometric forms akin to those found in the megalithic art traditions of western Europe. This visual language contrasts starkly with the anthropomorphic imagery—notably the statue menhirs—that emerged in other parts of Europe from the late 4th to early 3rd millennium BCE. These standing stones, featuring stylized human forms and sometimes weaponry or costume details, are thought to convey emerging social hierarchies, elite identities, and potentially religious or mythological content.

What is striking is the absence of such iconography in contemporaneous southern Scandinavian contexts, despite the region's increasing contact with steppe-derived cultural elements such as Corded Ware pottery, burial traditions, and domestic technologies. This absence suggests that early steppe-related influences did not immediately introduce Indo-European cosmological structures or human representations into Scandinavian symbolic systems.

Iversen's core argument revolves around the timing and nature of cultural transformations. He identifies the Early Nordic Bronze Age (beginning ca. 2000 BCE) as a decisive phase in which southern Scandinavia begins to exhibit both anthropomorphic imagery and motifs that may align with Indo-European mythological themes. This shift is particularly evident in rock carvings, metalwork, and burial practices that imply personification of deities, narratives of divine twins, solar symbolism, and warrior ideologies—hallmarks of reconstructed Indo-European belief systems.

This temporal disconnect—between the arrival of steppe-related material culture (~2800 BCE) and the emergence of Indo-European mythological expression (~2000 BCE)—forms the crux of Iversen’s critique of the single-wave model of Indo-Europeanization. He contends that a more nuanced, multi-phase process must be acknowledged. Rather than a singular migratory event initiating a full suite of cultural, linguistic, and religious transformations, Iversen posits at least two significant waves of steppe innovation affecting southern Scandinavia. The first wave brought material and technological shifts without substantive changes in symbolic and cosmological systems. Only in the second phase, during the Early Bronze Age, do we see the full integration of Indo-European ideologies into the local cultural matrix.

Furthermore, Iversen's work suggests that iconographic and ideological changes are essential to understanding cultural transformation—particularly the spread of Indo-European languages and religious systems. The archaeological record, when read in conjunction with linguistic and genetic evidence, offers a more intricate narrative of how Indo-European culture expanded: not as a uniform diffusion, but as a complex process of adoption, adaptation, and resistance.

In summary, this research provides a critical archaeological counterpoint to prevailing genetic interpretations of the steppe hypothesis. By demonstrating the diachronic disparity between early steppe cultural influences and later Indo-European ideological expressions in southern Scandinavia, Iversen underscores the need for interdisciplinary approaches that account for both biological and symbolic dimensions of human migration and cultural change.

Tracing the First Americans: New DNA Study Reveals Epic Migration from Siberia to South America

A recent study titled "From North Asia to South America: Tracing the longest human dispersal," published in Science, offers a comprehensive genetic investigation into one of the most remarkable migrations in human prehistory—the peopling of America. This research sheds new light on how early humans traveled from northeastern Asia, particularly Siberia, all the way to the southernmost parts of the American continent. The study's primary focus was to reconstruct the routes, timing, and genetic background of the populations that undertook this epic journey.

The research team used ancient DNA extracted from over 100 individuals whose remains span a vast timeline and geography—from Siberia and Beringia to various parts of the Americas. These individuals lived at different moments over the past 25,000 years, some dating back more than 10,000 years. Through high-resolution genetic sequencing and comparative analysis, the scientists were able to identify genetic lineages and trace their dispersal through time and space. They integrated this genetic data with radiocarbon dating, archaeological findings, and computational modeling to build a robust framework for understanding how these early populations migrated and interacted.

The study concluded that human migration into the Americas occurred in multiple waves, not as a single, straightforward event. The earliest wave originated from northern Asia, crossing through the Beringian land bridge during the Last Glacial Maximum. Once these populations entered the American continent, they moved southward with surprising speed, likely utilizing both coastal and inland routes. South America, despite its distance from the Bering Strait, was settled relatively quickly—within just a few thousand years after the initial entry into North America.

Importantly, the researchers found clear evidence of population structure and genetic diversity, suggesting that these migrants did not move in isolation. There were complex interactions among different groups, including admixture events and regional adaptations. The study also shows that remnants of these ancient lineages are still present in today’s Indigenous populations, especially in South America, preserving the genetic legacy of these early settlers.

This groundbreaking research demonstrates the power of ancient DNA in illuminating the hidden chapters of human history. It reframes the story of the Americas not as one of simple colonization, but as a dynamic and multifaceted process of human movement, adaptation, and survival across some of the most challenging terrains on Earth. By mapping the genetic echoes of these long journeys, the study contributes significantly to our understanding of how the Americas came to be populated and how early humans spread across the globe.

Ritual Closure of Monuments and Symbolic Respect for Space: The Cases of Lerna and Sissi

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By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

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Deconstructing Theories of External Imposition

The recent study of the cemetery at Sissi in Crete reveals a unique ritual practice of the Minoans, interpreted as the symbolic "death" or closure of their tombs. Instead of gradually abandoning the communal graves, the inhabitants of Sissi, around 1700 BCE, undertook a deliberate and ritualized process marking the end of an era.

Specifically, the last dead were buried in small pits or ceramic vessels. Afterwards, they carefully dismantled the tomb walls, crushed some bones to blend with the soil, and celebrated with a large communal feast. The findings include thousands of pottery fragments, remains of cups, and kitchenware, all dated to the same period. These elements suggest a collective ceremony that signaled the final use of the burial grounds.

Figure 3. The archaeological site of Sissi, seen from the north. The white dotted line indicates the limits of the cemetery (Zones 1 & 9) (© Belgian School at Athens, N. Kress).

Finally, participants covered everything with a layer of soil and stones, sealing the site forever. Remarkably, centuries later, when burials resumed in the area, this specific location remained untouched, indicating a lasting respect for this ritual closure. This practice reflects a profound cultural transition and a conscious effort by the Minoans to close a chapter of their history with reverence and ritual significance. The discovery offers valuable insights into the social and religious perceptions of the time and enriches our understanding of Minoan civilization.

The practice of ritually "closing" significant spaces through careful burial and continued respect for tomb or building grounds is also observed in the prehistoric Aegean world. The case of the House of the Tiles at Lerna and the recent discoveries at Sissi in Crete demonstrate the same symbolic logic: the need for a conscious transition and an honorable disengagement from a past charged with social and sacred meaning.

Figure 1. Distribution of Prepalatial and Protopalatial tombs, with the location of the main cemeteries mentioned in the text (S. Déderix).

At Lerna, after the destruction of the House of the Tiles around the end of Early Helladic II (ca. 2400–2200 BCE), the inhabitants carefully emptied the building, set it on fire, and then erected a mound (tumulus) of 19 meters in diameter over its remains. This tumulus was demarcated with a stone ring, and for a significant period during the Early Helladic III phase, no new structures were built atop it—testifying to a profound respect for the space and the historical memory it embodied. A similar ritual strategy, with many parallels, is evident at Sissi.

This analogy suggests that both in mainland Greece and Minoan Crete, the societies of the Late Early Bronze Age did not experience change through violent external impositions but through internal processes of renewal, deeply rooted in a ritual understanding of time, memory, and space. This organized and respectful treatment of earlier monumental architecture stands in contrast to the traditional image of violent invasions or external elite dominance, once assumed by older theories regarding the arrival of the "Proto-Greeks" (in the case of mainland Greece).

Instead, it indicates that the local communities themselves chose to manage the end of an earlier social and political phase through conscious, ritualized closure. Building and maintaining the tumulus can be seen as a way for the community to remember their past and show their pride, without any signs of new power being forced upon them from outside.

Caskey, J.L., Blackburn, E.T., Lerna in the Argolid. A Short Guide, American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Athens, 1977. © American School of Classical Studies at Athens

Furthermore, the collapse of the "Corridor House" system was not immediately followed by the rise of new, stronger elite centers, but rather by a phase of social simplification and fragmentation, as indicated by the emergence of apsidal buildings and changes in burial practices. This gradual and endogenous transformation better aligns with scenarios of internal social evolution rather than models of abrupt external domination.

Thus, the cultural changes observed at the end of the third millennium BCE appear to be more closely tied to transformations in local economic, social, and ritual practices rather than to the arrival of foreign populations or imposed systems. The Early Helladic III culture, although distinct from its predecessor, nonetheless shows strong elements of continuity, reshaping and integrating the past through internal processes.

The situations in Lerna and Sissi help break down ideas about quick takeovers or outside influences and improve our understanding of prehistoric communities as active participants in deliberate local cultural changes, where managing space and memory was very important.

New genetic data reveal a strong Greek genetic footprint in Carthage

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By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

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How and when did the first populations move into North Africa? What is the significance of the detected "Aegean/Greek DNA"? How did the Carthaginians maintain their cultural dominance? (9-minute read)

Carthage was founded in the late 9th century BCE (traditionally 814 BCE) as a colony of Tyre, at a time when Tyre was a thriving commercial center. Therefore, the first inhabitants were Phoenician settlers — Semitic populations from the Levantine coasts, descendants of the ancient Canaanites. However, from the very foundation of the city, it is likely that local Berber (Libyan) populations of North Africa coexisted in the area, with whom the Phoenician settlers interacted and possibly intermarried. The very name of the city (Qart-Ḥadašt, meaning "New City") denotes a new settlement in foreign territory, but its development was closely tied to the local environment. Archaeological and historical evidence suggests that Carthage quickly evolved from a small trading post into a prosperous city-state with its own "Carthaginian" civilization. This civilization was clearly Phoenician (Semitic language, religion, customs), but the ancestry of the city's population was not purely Phoenician.

A recent paleogenetic study shed the first light on the biological composition of the early Carthaginians. The so-called "Young Man of Byrsa"—a man from the late 6th century BCE discovered in a burial chamber at Byrsa Hill in Carthage—revealed through ancient DNA analysis a maternal lineage (mitochondrial haplogroup U5b2c1) that is rare and European, originating from prehistoric populations in the northern Mediterranean. Specifically, this mtDNA links the individual's ancestry to regions such as the Iberian Peninsula, Mediterranean islands, or the northern Mediterranean coasts. The discovery constitutes the first direct evidence suggesting that even the early inhabitants of Carthage could have mixed ancestry, including European elements. In other words, the presence of such an ancient European genetic marker (U5b2c1) in North Africa indicates that Phoenician settlers had incorporated individuals from earlier Mediterranean populations (e.g., from Sicily, Sardinia, or Iberia) into their communities. This initial genetic diversity aligns with the historical image of a port city open to various ethnic groups. Although Carthage may have been founded by a few dozen or hundreds of Phoenician settlers, within a few generations its population expanded through admixture with local and other northern Mediterranean peoples. Truthfully, we have long understood that the Phoenicians' cultural dominance in Carthage did not imply absolute demographic dominance. Many ancient Greek colonies also observed the same phenomenon.

This reality became even clearer in a recent large-scale study of 103 ancient genomes from Carthage itself and other Phoenician/Carthaginian sites. Researchers identified a recognizable "Carthaginian" genetic profile, but it bore minimal relation to the populations of ancient Phoenicia. Instead, it was primarily composed of European (Greek/Aegean and Sicilian) and North African genotypes.

The First Neolithic Expansions—Prehistoric Population Flows into North Africa

To understand how European genetic elements appeared in North Africa long before Carthage's founding, we must examine population movements during the Neolithic period. The transition from hunter-gatherer economies to farming and animal husbandry occurred in North Africa approximately 7,500 years ago. Two main theories exist: either that local Mesolithic populations gradually adopted Neolithic innovations or that incoming farmers migrated into the area, bringing their way of life. Ancient DNA now clarifies this process. Furthermore, recent genome studies of prehistoric skeletons in the Maghreb revealed clear ancestry shifts during the Neolithic transition: the earliest Neolithic burials in Northwest Africa primarily show European Neolithic ancestry. The evidence implies that the initial farmers who emerged in Morocco and Algeria were predominantly descended from Neolithic populations from southern Europe. Researchers conclude that migrant European farmers introduced agriculture to Northwest Africa, which then rapidly disseminated among local groups.

This pattern fits into the broader wave of Neolithic farmer expansions from the Near East into Greece and Europe. It is well known that early farmers began in Anatolia and the Levant, spreading gradually westward via coastal Mediterranean routes to the Balkans, the Italian Peninsula, Sicily, Sardinia, and Iberia. Archaeologically, the spread of Impressa/Cardial pottery along coastal zones reflects the so-called "Mediterranean route" of Neolithic expansion. Notably, the appearance of agriculture in northeast Africa (e.g., the eastern Rif in Morocco) is nearly synchronous with its emergence in southern Spain, around 5500 BCE, suggesting maritime transfer of people and ideas. Thus, the wider agricultural dissemination led to a significant expansion of Neolithic populations from Europe into North Africa.

Note that a single migratory stream did not limit the genetic history of North Africa during the Neolithic. In addition to the European Neolithic influx, later contributions from the Near East are detectable. During the Middle Neolithic period, around 5000 BCE, the Maghreb genetic profile shows the introduction of a Levantine element, coinciding with the arrival of pastoralism (cattle, sheep, goats) in the region. This finding suggests that groups of herders possibly migrated westward from the eastern Mediterranean or the Nile Valley, bringing new genetic influences. Ultimately, by the end of the Neolithic, populations of the Maghreb exhibited a mixed genetic profile, combining local Paleolithic/Mesolithic heritage, European Neolithic farmer ancestry, and Near Eastern admixture. This prolonged prehistoric admixture explains why certain ancient European haplogroups (such as U5) or "Sardinian-type" genetic elements later appear among North African populations.

Regarding specifically Mycenaean, Sicilian, or Sardinian populations and their connection to North Africa, the data are fragmentary but indicative. There is no documented direct mass migration of Mycenaeans into North Africa during the Bronze Age. However, the presence of Mycenaean artifacts in Egypt and possible contacts with Libya suggest some level of interaction. After the collapse of the Mycenaean civilization (~1200 BCE), groups from the Aegean participated in the so-called "Sea Peoples," who reached as far as Egypt. Among them were the Sherden (possibly from Sardinia) and the Shekelesh (perhaps from Sicily). Although these groups clashed with Egypt, some may have settled in Libya or Canaan. These late-Chalcolithic or early Iron Age movements may have had a limited impact on western North Africa, though a minor genetic contribution from Aegean/European Bronze Age populations cannot be ruled out.

Moreover, the genetic landscape of the Carthaginians later exhibits strong affinities with ancient Greek populations, possibly linked to these early European movements or to Greek colonies established in Africa.

As for Sicily and Sardinia, these two major Mediterranean islands acted as bridges for population movements. Especially Sicily, due to its proximity to the Tunisian coast, served as a natural channel: early Neolithic settlers could have crossed in either direction between Tunisia and Sicily. During the 3rd millennium BCE (the Bronze Age), Sicily received influences from the Aegean world (e.g., Mycenaean finds) and later from Phoenician and Greek settlers. Sardinia, on the other hand, remained relatively genetically isolated for millennia (modern Sardinians preserve a high proportion of ancient Neolithic ancestry). Nonetheless, the Sherden people's history suggests some early contact with the eastern Mediterranean. In historic times, Carthaginian expansion led to the establishment of Phoenician colonies in Sardinia (e.g., Tharros), prompting some local population movements. Overall, we can say that the genetic impact of Sicilian and Sardinian populations on North Africa is detectable indirectly: either through early Neolithic dissemination (European farmers reaching the Maghreb) or through later historical interactions (e.g., integration of Sicilians into the Carthaginian network).

Phoenician Expansion and Genetic Interactions in the Western Mediterranean

During the Iron Age (1st millennium BCE), the Phoenicians expanded their maritime trading network, establishing numerous outposts and colonies throughout the western Mediterranean. By the 11th–10th century BCE, Phoenician settlements appeared in Spain (e.g., Cádiz), the Balearic Islands, Sicily, Malta, Sardinia, and beyond. The genetic contribution of these Semitic settlers to local populations had long been an open question. Traditionally, it was believed that the "Punic" populations (i.e., the western Phoenician colonies such as Carthage) would exhibit a strong Phoenician (Levantine) genetic signature. However, large-scale ancient DNA analyses have overturned this assumption. Researchers discovered that populations in the western Mediterranean received limited direct genetic input from Phoenician mother cities (Tyre, Sidon, etc.).

Despite their intense cultural, economic, and linguistic influence, the original Phoenician cities contributed minimal direct DNA to the Punic populations of the central and western Mediterranean. The spread of Phoenician culture thus occurred not through mass migration but primarily through the diffusion of cultural models and the integration of local communities.

Specifically, every Phoenician-Carthaginian site studied shows remarkable heterogeneity regarding its inhabitants' origins. Researchers detected an "extremely heterogeneous" genetic profile in ancient skeletons from these sites. In almost all Punic communities — from Carthage itself to colonies in Iberia, Sicily, Sardinia, and North Africa — the majority of individuals exhibited ancestries similar to those of ancient Sicilian and Aegean populations (southern Europe), while a significant portion had North African ancestry. In contrast, direct Near Eastern/Semitic genetic input was minimal. This practically means that in Phoenician colonies, people of diverse backgrounds lived together: individuals of local North African descent alongside others of predominantly European (Sicilian/Greek) origin. The different Punic communities were connected via maritime "kinship networks." For instance, a pair of distant relatives (approximately second cousins) were found: one buried in a Phoenician city in North Africa, the other in a Phoenician settlement in Sicily. Such findings illustrate the cosmopolitan character of the Carthaginian network, where movement and intermarriage across different regions were common.

This theory also explains how Phoenician settlers, initially a demographic minority, eventually genetically assimilated local populations rather than replacing them. As geneticist Pierre Zalloua aptly put it, "The Phoenicians were a civilization of integration and assimilation — they settled wherever they traveled." Despite their broad and diverse biological ancestry, these mixed populations transmitted their cultural identity (language, religion, and technical knowledge).

The case of Carthage shows that a group can be very influential in trade and culture even if they are not the largest population, similar to some theories about how Indo-European languages spread, but the history, society, and population of northern Africa at that time were quite different.

In summary, the Carthaginian rulers spoke the Phoenician language and worshipped Phoenician gods, but their subjects and allies came from various Mediterranean nations. In the end, the genetic background of the Carthaginians in the western Mediterranean is spread out and varied, showing a blend of European and African genes with some small Semitic influences, instead of a clear "Phoenician" genetic identity. This conclusion aligns perfectly with historical accounts of the multiethnic societies of the western Mediterranean and highlights how population movements are inextricably linked to cultural interactions.

Schleicher's Fable: A Reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European Language

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BY DIMOSTHENIS VASILOUDIS

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Schleicher's fable serves as an excellent example of the efforts made by linguists to reconstruct the Proto-Indo-European (PIE) language. It was created in 1868 by August Schleicher, who was the first to compose a text in PIE to demonstrate what this proto-language might have sounded like. The fable is titled "Avis akvāsas ka" ("The Sheep and the Horses") and has since undergone numerous revisions and adaptations by various linguists as our understanding of PIE has evolved. The different versions of the fable represent not only the various interpretations of the proto-language but also provide an opportunity to trace the evolution of ideas and theories about the character and structure of PIE over the centuries.

The History of Reconstruction

Through his work, Schleicher aimed to depict the Proto-Indo-European language as it was understood in the 19th century. This language no longer exists in any living form, and his work represents an attempt to reconstruct it through comparisons and studies of linguistic data from various Indo-European languages, such as Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, and other ancient tongues. His initial attempt was revolutionary for its time, as it laid the foundations for the reconstruction of the proto-language by proposing specific phonological and morphological rules.

The original version of Schleicher's fable tells a brief story where a sheep converses with two horses, discussing the state of human society. The interest in this composition lies not so much in the narrative itself but in the attempt to capture the linguistic form of PIE based on the data available at that time.

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Read also: Wool and the Indo-Anatolian Hypothesis: A Linguistic and Archaeological Approach

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Revisions of the Fable

After Schleicher’s initial publication, several other linguists undertook the task of revising and adapting the fable as our understanding of PIE continued to progress. Some of the most notable revisions include:

1. Hermann Hirt (1939): Hirt published the first significant revision of the fable, adding new phonological and grammatical details that emerged from recent linguistic discoveries. His version presented more complex and precise sounds, reflecting the advancements in understanding the linguistic rules of PIE.

2. Winfred Lehmann and Ladislav Zgusta (1979): The work of Lehmann and Zgusta introduced innovations in morphology and syntax, incorporating more accurate rules concerning word roots and suffixes. Their version contributed to a better understanding of how PIE diversified into various language families.

3. Douglas Q. Adams (1997): Adams' version, published in the "Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture," introduced new theories about phonetic shifts and the evolution of vowels. His work presented a version of PIE more faithful to the complex phonological reality emerging from comparisons with modern Indo-European languages.

4. Frederik Kortlandt (2007): The most recent revision by Kortlandt integrated the latest theories on PIE phonology and grammar, utilizing newer linguistic methods and data. His version marked a significant step forward in understanding the dynamic evolution of PIE, including details on phonetic development and the use of prepositions.

Illustration by Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

The Sheep and the Horses

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Avis akvāsas ka.

Avis, jasmin varnā na ā ast, dadarka akvams, tam, vāgham garum vaghantam, tam, bhāram magham, tam, manum āku bharantam. Avis akvabhjams ā vavakat: kard aghnutai mai vidanti manum akvams agantam.

Akvāsas ā vavakant: krudhi avai, kard aghnutai vividvant-svas: manus patis varnām avisāms karnauti svabhjam gharmam vastram avibhjams ka varnā na asti.

Tat kukruvants avis agram ā bhugat.

English translation:

The Sheep and the Horses

A sheep that had no wool saw horses, one of them pulling a heavy wagon, one carrying a big load, and one carrying a man quickly. The sheep said to the horses: "My heart pains me, seeing a man driving horses." The horses said: "Listen, sheep, our hearts pain us when we see this: a man, the master, makes the wool of the sheep into a warm garment for himself. And the sheep has no wool." Having heard this, the sheep fled into the plain.

Hirt (1939)

Owis ek'wōses-kʷe

Owis, jesmin wᵇlənā ne ēst, dedork'e ek'wons, tom, woghom gʷᵇrum weghontm̥, tom, bhorom megam, tom, gh'ьmonm̥ ōk'u bherontm̥. Owis ek'womos ewьwekʷet: k'ērd aghnutai moi widontei gh'ᵇmonm̥ ek’wons ag'ontm̥. Ek'wōses ewᵇwekʷont: kl'udhi, owei!, k'ērd aghnutai widontmos: gh'ᵇmo, potis, wᵇlənām owjôm kʷr̥neuti sebhoi ghʷermom westrom; owimos-kʷe wᵇlənā ne esti. Tod k'ek'ruwos owis ag'rom ebhuget.

Lehmann and Zgusta (1979)

Owis eḱwōskʷe

Gʷərēi owis, kʷesjo wl̥hnā ne ēst, ek̂wōns espek̂et, oinom ghe gʷr̥um woĝhom weĝhontm̥, oinomkʷe meǵam bhorom, oinomkʷe ĝhm̥enm̥ ōk̂u bherontm̥.

Owis nu ek̂wobh(y)os (ek̂womos) ewewkʷet: "k̂ēr aghnutoi moi ek̂wōns aĝontm̥ nerm̥ widn̥tei".

Eḱwōs tu ewewkʷont: "k̂ludhi, owei, k̂ēr ghe aghnutoi n̥smei widn̥tbh(y)os (widn̥tmos): nēr, potis, owiōm r̥ wl̥hnām sebhi gʷhermom westrom kʷrn̥euti. Neǵhi owiōm wl̥hnā esti".

Tod k̂ek̂luwōs owis aĝrom ebhuget.

Danka (1986)

Owis ek'woi kʷe

Owis, jesmin wl̥nā ne ēst, dedork'e ek'wons woghom gʷr̥um weghontn̥s - bhorom meg'əm, monum ōk'u bherontn̥s. Owis ek'wobhos eweukʷet: K'erd aghnutai moi widn̥tei g'hm̥onm̥ ek'wons ag'ontm̥. Ek'woi eweukʷont: K'ludhi, owi, k'erd aghnutai dedr̥k'usbhos: monus potis wl̥nām owiōm temneti: sebhei ghʷermom westrom - owibhos kʷe wl̥nā ne esti. Tod k'ek'luwōs owis ag'rom ebhuget.

Adams (1997)

H₂óu̯is h₁ék̂u̯ōs-kʷe

Gʷr̥hₓḗi h₂óu̯is, kʷési̯o u̯lh₂néh₄ ne (h₁é) est, h₁ék̂u̯ons spék̂et, h₁oinom ghe gʷr̥hₓúm u̯óĝhom u̯éĝhontm̥ h₁oinom-kʷe méĝhₐm bhórom, h₁oinom-kʷe ĝhménm̥ hₓṓk̂u bhérontm̥. h₂óu̯is tu h₁ek̂u̯oibh(i̯)os u̯eukʷét: 'k̂ḗr hₐeghnutór moi h₁ék̂u̯ons hₐéĝontm̥ hₐnérm̥ u̯idn̥téi. h₁ék̂u̯ōs tu u̯eukʷónt: 'k̂ludhí, h₂óu̯ei, k̂ḗr ghe hₐeghnutór n̥sméi u̯idn̥tbh(i̯)ós. hₐnḗr, pótis, h₂éu̯i̯om r̥ u̯l̥h₂néhₐm sebhi kʷr̥néuti nu gʷhérmom u̯éstrom néĝhi h₂éu̯i̯om u̯l̥h₂néhₐ h₁ésti.' Tód k̂ek̂luu̯ṓs h₂óu̯is hₐéĝrom bhugét.

Lühr (2008)

h₂ówis h₁ék’wōskʷe

h₂ówis, (H)jésmin h₂wlh₂néh₂ ne éh₁est, dedork'e (h₁)ék'wons, tóm, wóg'ʰom gʷérh₂um wég'ʰontm, tóm, bʰórom még'oh₂m, tóm, dʰg'ʰémonm h₂oHk'ú bʰérontm. h₂ówis (h₁)ék'wobʰos ewewkʷe(t): k'ḗrd h₂gʰnutoj moj widntéj dʰg'ʰmónm (h₁)ék'wons h₂ég'ontm. (h₁)ék'wōs ewewkʷ: k'ludʰí, h₂ówi! k'ḗrd h₂gʰnutoj widntbʰós: dʰg'ʰémō(n), pótis, h₂wlnéh₂m h₂ówjom kʷnewti sébʰoj gʷʰérmom wéstrom; h₂éwibʰoskʷe h₂wlh₂néh₂ né h₁esti. Tód k'ek'luwṓs h₂ówis h₂ég'rom ebʰuge(t).

Voyles and Barrack (2009)

Owis eḱwōs kʷe

Owis, jāi wl̥nā ne eest, dedorḱe eḱwons, tom woǵʰom gʷr̥um weǵʰontm̥, tom bʰorom meǵm̥, tom ǵʰm̥onm̥ ōku bʰerontm̥. Owis eḱwobʰjos eweket: "Ḱerd angʰetai moi widontei ǵʰm̥onm̥ eḱwons aǵontm̥". Eḱwos wewekur: "Ḱludʰe, owei! Ḱerd angʰetai widontbʰjos: ǵʰm̥on, potis, wl̥nam owijōm kʷr̥neti soi gʷʰermom westrom; owibʰjos kʷe wl̥nā ne esti". Tod ḱeḱlōts owis aǵrom ebʰuget.

Melchert (2009, revised 2014)

H₂ówis (h₁)ék̂wōs-kʷe

h₂áwej h₁josméj h₂wl̥h₁náh₂ né h₁ést, só h₁ék̂woms derk̂t. só gʷr̥hₓúm wóĝhom wéĝhet; só méĝh₂m̥ bhórom; só (dh)gĥémonm̥ h₂ṓk̂u bhéret. h₂ówis h₁ék̂wojbh(j)os wéwk(ʷ)et: (dh)ĝhémonm̥ spék̂joh₂ h₁ék̂woms h₁jós h₂áĝeti, k̂ḗr moj aghnutór. h₁ék̂wōs tu wéwkʷont: k̂ludhí, h₂owei! tód spék̂jomes/n, n̥sméi aghnutór k̂ḗr: (dh)ĝhémō pótis sē h₂áwjōm h₂wl̥h₁nā́h₁ gʷhérmom wéstrom (h₁)wébht, h₂áwibh(j)os tu h₂wl̥h₁náh₂ né h₁ésti. tód k̂ek̂luwṓs h₂ówis h₂aĝróm bhugét.

Kortlandt (2007, revised 2010)

ʕʷeuis ʔiḱ:ueskʷ:e

ʕʷeuis i ʕueli nēʔst ʔeḱ:ums uēit:, t:o kʷ'rʕeum uoḱom uḱent:m, t:o mḱ'eʕm porom, t:o tḱmenm ʔoʔḱ:u prent:m. uēuk:t ʕʷeuis ʔiḱ:uos, ʕetḱo ʔme ḱ:ērt ʕnerm uit'ent:i ʔeḱ:ums ʕḱ'ent:m. ueuk:nt: ʔiḱ:ues, ḱ:luti ʕʷue, ʕetḱo nsme ḱ:ērt: uit'ent:i, ʕnēr p:ot:is ʕʷuiom ʕueli sue kʷermom uesti kʷ:rneut:i, ʕʷuēi kʷ:e ʕueli neʔsti. t:o ḱ:eḱ:luus ʕʷeuis pleʕnom pēuk't.

After the separation of Anatolian and Tocharian:

ʕʷeuis ioi ʕulʔneʕ nēʔs ʔeḱuns ʔe uēi'd, tom 'gʷrʕeum uoǵom ueǵontm, tom m'ǵeʕm borom, tom dǵmenm ʔoʔḱu berontm. ʔe uēuk ʕʷeuis ʔeḱumus, ʕedǵo ʔmoi ḱēr'd ʕnerm ui'denti ʔeḱuns ʕe'ǵontm. ʔe ueukn'd ʔiḱues, ḱludi ʕʷuei, ʕedǵo nsmi ḱēr'd ui'denti, ʕnēr potis ʕʷuiom ʕulʔneʕm subi gʷermom uesti kʷrneuti, ʕʷuimus kʷe ʕulʔneʕ neʔsti. to'd ḱeḱluus ʕʷeuis pleʕnom bēu'g.

Byrd (2013)

H₂óu̯is h₁éḱu̯ōs-kʷe

h₂áu̯ei̯ h₁i̯osméi̯ h₂u̯l̥h₁náh₂ né h₁ést, só h₁éḱu̯oms derḱt. só gʷr̥hₓúm u̯óǵʰom u̯eǵʰed; só méǵh₂m̥ bʰórom; só dʰǵʰémonm̥ h₂ṓḱu bʰered. h₂óu̯is h₁ékʷoi̯bʰi̯os u̯eu̯ked: "dʰǵʰémonm̥ spéḱi̯oh₂ h₁éḱu̯oms-kʷe h₂áǵeti, ḱḗr moi̯ agʰnutor". h₁éḱu̯ōs tu u̯eu̯kond: "ḱludʰí, h₂ou̯ei̯! tód spéḱi̯omes, n̥sméi̯ agʰnutór ḱḗr: dʰǵʰémō, pótis, sē h₂áu̯i̯es h₂u̯l̥h₁náh₂ gʷʰérmom u̯éstrom u̯ept, h₂áu̯ibʰi̯os tu h₂u̯l̥h₁náh₂ né h₁esti". tód ḱeḱluu̯ṓs h₂óu̯is h₂aǵróm bʰuged.

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The Significance of Reconstructions

The reconstructions of PIE through Schleicher's fable should not be regarded as precise renditions of the original language. Instead, they represent an approximation to historical truth, a form of "plausible" approach, as Boeckh points out. Reconstructions are based on hypotheses and conclusions drawn from the study of descendant languages of PIE, and they provide an algebraic depiction of the linguistic system, though not entirely accurate.

As Delbrück notes, the PIE reconstructed through such texts is not a real language that was once spoken but rather a "typical expression" of the evolving views of researchers. The differences among the versions of the fable reflect the evolution of linguistic thought: as methods improve and data increase, the picture we form of PIE becomes clearer and closer to historical reality.

This is the Most Sophisticated Model for Indo-European Language Relationships

Schleicher's fable is a fascinating linguistic exercise that reveals the complexity of reconstructing a lost language. These efforts are undoubtedly theoretical, yet they have the potential to offer a realistic depiction of the proto-language through detailed analysis and comparison. The process of reconstruction is evidence of how science can use past data to construct images of a historical world that no longer exists, and Schleicher's fable is a perfect example of this ongoing effort by linguists.

Schleicher's fable continues to be refined, demonstrating that linguistics is not static but constantly evolving, shaping new approaches to understand the earliest phase of languages spoken by the ancestors of cultures throughout Eurasia.

Mycenaean Amber: A Symbol of Sun, Status, and Cross-Cultural Connections in the Bronze Age

Amber, the fossilized tree resin renowned for its golden hues and timeless beauty, was much more than a decorative element for the Mycenaeans, one of the earliest advanced civilizations in Greece. New research spearheaded by Professor Janusz Czebreszuk, Director of the Polish Archaeological Institute in Athens, sheds light on the cultural and symbolic importance of amber for this Bronze Age society. According to this study, amber not only represented the sun but was also a marker of social status, denoting the elite class within Mycenaean culture, which thrived between 1750 and 1050 BCE.

The Mycenaean Civilization: A Hub of Power and Prestige

The Mycenaeans are celebrated as the first advanced civilization on the Greek mainland, known for their impressive palaces, intricate urban planning, and sophisticated art. Their society was also marked by the use of a unique script, known as Linear B, which provides valuable insights into their economic and social structures. While the grandeur of their architecture and the complexity of their trade networks have long been recognized, recent findings reveal that the Mycenaeans had a special appreciation for amber, primarily among the upper echelons of society. Adornments crafted from this resin, such as necklaces and pectorals, have been discovered in numerous gravesites, particularly those belonging to the elites, underscoring amber’s role as a symbol of prestige.

Amber: The Sunstone of the North

Research into these amber artifacts has traced their origins back to the Baltic region, specifically around the Bay of Gdańsk—a historical center for amber trade. This suggests that the Mycenaeans were part of a vast and intricate trade network that connected them with distant parts of Europe. According to Professor Czebreszuk, the Mycenaeans likely brought amber with them as they migrated from northern areas such as Macedonia or Epirus. This implies not just a movement of people but also a transfer of cultural beliefs and religious practices associated with amber.

In Central Europe, where amber was abundant, Neolithic artifacts often depicted disc-shaped designs with radiating patterns, symbolizing the sun. Amber, with its warm, glowing appearance, was thought to embody the sun's power, a belief that was carried into the Mediterranean by the Mycenaeans. "Amber arrived in Hellas with the religious meanings it held in the north," Czebreszuk remarked, highlighting the continuity of sun symbolism across regions.

Mythological and Symbolic Significance

The symbolic value of amber in Mycenaean culture was further enhanced by its mythological associations. In Greek mythology, amber is linked to the tale of Phaethon, the son of Helios, the sun god. According to legend, Phaethon attempted to drive his father’s sun chariot but lost control, leading to his tragic death. His grieving sisters, the Heliades, wept endlessly, and their tears transformed into amber. This mythological connection with the sun reinforced the belief that amber was a physical embodiment of sunlight, making it a prized possession for the Mycenaean elite.

Professor Czebreszuk notes that possessing amber was akin to holding a fragment of the sun, a powerful symbol of divine favor and authority. "Whoever had amber, whoever had an amber necklace, in a sense possessed a piece of the Sun. Those who had it, and these were the elites, used amber to legitimize their claims to a superior position in society," he explained. Through this association, Mycenaean leaders could assert their social status and power, using amber as a means to reinforce their authority and divine connection.

Small amber blocks. Credit: Olga Kovalski

Amber and the Trade Networks of Bronze Age Europe

The distribution of amber in Mycenaean gravesites reflects the extensive trade networks that existed during the Bronze Age. Amber was not a local product in Greece but was transported over long distances, passing through numerous hands before reaching the Mycenaean elites. The Bay of Gdańsk, situated along the Baltic coast, was a major hub for the amber trade, and this region's connections extended as far as the British Isles to the west and the steppes of Ukraine to the east. These trade routes facilitated not only the exchange of goods but also the movement of ideas, technologies, and even people.

Genetic studies suggest that interregional marriages often cemented these trading relationships, creating alliances between distant elite groups. Amber, thus, was more than just a luxury item; it was a token of these alliances, circulating among the elite as part of a broader exchange system that linked distant communities. Professor Czebreszuk emphasized the significance of these networks: "Amber had a wide distribution, and ancient deposits were primarily known in areas around the Baltic and North Sea." This wide distribution underscores the complex trade routes and social connections that defined the Bronze Age world.

Insights from Modern Research

The establishment of the Polish Archaeological Institute in Athens in 2019 has enabled Polish researchers to conduct in-depth studies of ancient artifacts like amber. Through these efforts, scholars aim to uncover the production techniques, trade dynamics, and cultural exchanges that defined the Bronze Age. By examining different varieties of fossil resin, such as succinite, researchers can determine not only the origins of the amber pieces but also gain insights into the workshops and craftspeople who produced them. This, in turn, sheds light on the broader economic and social systems that facilitated the movement of amber across Europe.

As Professor Czebreszuk explains, "We can determine where the find originated, where the workshop was, and what knowledge the producer had." This research is crucial for understanding the Mycenaean elites who wore these amber adornments, as well as the networks that connected them to other powerful groups across the continent. The study of amber, therefore, opens a window into the complex world of Bronze Age trade, revealing a web of connections that spanned vast distances and brought together diverse cultures.

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Read also: The Origins of Mycenaean Gold: Thrace, Egypt, or Beyond?

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The view of Mycenaean migration from the north, as proposed by Professor Czebreszuk, while intriguing, contrasts with the findings of contemporary genetic research and prevailing archaeological theories. Recent genetic studies indicate a consistent genetic continuity among Aegean populations from the Early Bronze Age through the Classical Period, suggesting that the Mycenaeans developed locally without the need for mass migratory movements. Additionally, archaeological research emphasizes the cultural evolution of Mycenaean societies through the integration and exchange of goods, technologies, and ideas with other regions of the Mediterranean and Europe, rather than through population shifts. Archaeological evidence points to extensive trade networks connecting the Aegean with Northern Europe, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Black Sea, demonstrating that amber, metals, and other materials circulated via trade rather than migration. The migration theory, popular during the previous century, is now considered outdated, as data supports local cultural development with an openness to external influences, reinforcing the image of the Mycenaeans as a dynamic and cosmopolitan civilization that cultivated connections with the wider world without the need for relocations.

ConclusionAmber was not merely a decorative accessory for the Mycenaeans; it was a symbol of power, divine favor, and social status. Its warm, sun-like appearance, coupled with its mythological associations, made it a coveted material among the Mycenaean elite. The discovery of Baltic amber in Mycenaean gravesites points to an extensive trade network that linked distant regions of Europe, facilitating the exchange of goods, ideas, and cultural practices. Through ongoing research, archaeologists continue to uncover the stories behind these ancient connections, revealing the depth and complexity of the Mycenaean world and its interactions with the broader Bronze Age Europe.

Wool and the Indo-Anatolian Hypothesis: A Linguistic and Archaeological Approach

Linguistic research on the Indo-European language family has been a cornerstone of historical and archaeological studies, allowing researchers to connect ancient languages with migration and cultural patterns. Within this expansive language family, the Indo-Anatolian hypothesis emerges as a critical sub-theory that suggests that the Anatolian branch, which includes Hittite and Luwian languages, split early from Proto-Indo-European (PIE). This hypothesis reshapes our understanding of language evolution, migration, and the technological developments of ancient civilizations.

Archaeolinguistics has become an essential tool in this interdisciplinary field, marrying linguistic evidence with archaeological findings. One such case is the study of wool and its significance in tracing cultural exchange and technological innovation, particularly in the context of Indo-European-speaking populations and their Anatolian counterparts. Alwin Kloekhorst presented a paper on the Indo-Anatolian hypothesis on October 5 and 6, 2023, using the linguistic evidence surrounding the word "wool" as its main focus.

The Domestication of Sheep and the Rise of Wool Production

The domestication of sheep, dating back to around 8000 BCE in Mesopotamia, plays a vital role in understanding early human economies. Initially, sheep were primarily valued for their meat, milk, and skins. However, by the 6th to 4th millennia BCE, selective breeding led to the emergence of woolly sheep, particularly in regions like Iran. Wool, as a product, revolutionized textile production, and its spread across regions provides critical insights into the technological advancements of ancient cultures.

By the early 3rd millennium BCE, wool production had reached northern Mesopotamia, and there is evidence of woolly sheep dispersal towards the steppes. These developments parallel the spread of Indo-European languages, raising questions about the interconnectedness of linguistic and technological diffusion.

Wool in Anatolian Languages A Linguistic Perspective

In the context of Indo-European languages, wool holds linguistic significance as well. In Hittite, the word for wool appears in various forms, such as the widespread use of the Sumerogram SÍG. Through textual evidence, we see that Hittite used the term "SÍG" for wool, indicating that the knowledge of wool production and weaving was well-established in the Anatolian region.

Interestingly, linguistic analysis shows two distinct stems in the Hittite language for wool: ḫulii̯a- and ḫulan(a)-. Both forms, while indicating wool, exhibit different grammatical usages and highlight how linguistic evolution can track technological innovations, like wool production, in ancient cultures. The suffixes -ii̯a- and -āli- are common Indo-European nominal endings, while -ana- presents an anomaly, showcasing potential inner-Anatolian developments.

Comparative Indo-European Linguistics and the Etymology of Wool

The study of wool across Indo-European languages reveals deep-rooted connections. The word for wool appears in various Indo-European languages, such as:

• Sanskrit: ū́rṇā

• Ancient Greek: λῆνος

• Latin: lāna

• Old Church Slavonic: vlъna

• Lithuanian: vìlna

• Gothic: wulla

These terms trace their origins to the Proto-Indo-European root h2ulh1n(e)h2-, as proposed by researchers like Peters (1980). However, the Anatolian forms present problems when compared with other Indo-European languages. In particular, Proto-Indo-European h2ulh1n(e)h2- does not yield the expected forms in Anatolian, prompting further inquiry into whether these divergences support the Indo-Anatolian hypothesis.

Issues with Etymological Comparisons

One significant issue arises when comparing the Anatolian word for wool with the equivalent terms in other Indo-European languages. Proto-Indo-European consonant clusters, such as Ch1C, usually do not simplify into forms like CaC in Anatolian languages. This divergence is exemplified in the difference between the Proto-Indo-European h2ulh1n(e)h2- and the Hittite form ḫulana-, suggesting an intermediate stage like ḫulna- with an added anaptyctic vowel to preserve phonetic integrity.

Additionally, another issue lies in the absence of h2- in Greek forms like λῆνος and λείνα, complicating efforts to reconcile the Greek and Anatolian data. The Greek evolution seems to imply an older, perhaps Pre-Greek form, while the Anatolian word for wool appears to have developed along a separate trajectory, further supporting the idea of early Anatolian divergence.

Conclusion: Reconsidering the Indo-Anatolian Hypothesis through Wool

The research presented by Alwin Kloekhorst challenges long-held assumptions regarding the presence of a common Proto-Indo-European (PIE) term for wool across the Indo-Anatolian languages. The conclusion that the lexeme h₂ulh₁n(e)h₂- for ‘wool’ likely never existed within PIE forces a reevaluation of how the Indo-Anatolian languages developed in relation to wool-related vocabulary. In particular, the Anatolian word ḫulan-, which refers to wool, appears to be independent of the late PIE term, suggesting that the Anatolian branch diverged early from the rest of the PIE family, long before the spread of wool technology across Eurasia.

Furthermore, the PIE term ulh₁n(e)h₂- seems to have been created later, in the post-Tocharian PIE era, around 2700 BCE. This period aligns with the introduction of wool production to the Pontic steppes, indicating that language adapted alongside technological advancements. The evidence supports the idea that the spread of wool and its associated terminology was not a universal phenomenon across all Indo-European languages but rather emerged as wool became a vital resource in specific regions.

Lastly, the root hul-, found in Anatolian languages, could be a borrowing from external sources, such as Hurrian. This borrowing emphasizes the complexity of linguistic evolution and the significant cultural exchanges between ancient peoples. By integrating linguistic evidence with archaeological data, Kloekhorst’s conclusions offer a more nuanced understanding of the development of wool production and its terminology, illustrating that the linguistic divergences in Anatolia better align with the archaeological timeline of wool's spread than previous theories suggested.

Ice Age Rhino Fossil Unearthed in Mycenae: Insights into Bronze Age Rituals

A fascinating fossil discovery in Mycenae, dating back to the Ice Age, has sparked new insights into ancient Greek society. The fossil is a two-horned rhinoceros astragalus, or ankle bone, from the species Stephanorhinus, found at the Acropolis of Mycenae during the Late Bronze Age (13th century BCE). The fossil’s collection and preservation raise questions about its significance to the Mycenaeans. Was it part of a ritual, a game, or used as a weight for measuring? The discovery, published in Nature, suggests the fossil may have inspired myths of mythical beings, such as giants or heroes.

The research led by Dr. Vasiliki Pliatsika, Dr. Jacqueline Meier, and Professor Kim Shelton uncovers the earliest known case of fossil collecting in mainland Greece. The fossil was unearthed in the 1970s but was only recently analyzed. It is an unusual find for Mycenae, especially since such fossils are rare in archaeological excavations in Greece. The size and weight of the fossil suggest that it was recognized as special by the Mycenaeans, perhaps attributed to a fantastical or ancient creature.

The fossil was found in a central underground room of a building in the southwestern quarter of Mycenae’s Acropolis, an area with residential remains. This placement may indicate that the Mycenaeans considered it a valuable and significant object. The room itself had limited natural light and rudimentary internal features, which leads researchers to reconsider the room’s purpose, possibly connected to rituals or games.

The rediscovered fossil astragalus from Mycenae, (A) posterior view with excavation tag, and (B) from various aspects. Photos by Meier.

Pliatsika and her colleagues suggest the fossil might have been used in religious or magical rituals, or even as a gaming piece or weight. The fossil weighs exactly 500 grams, coincidentally matching the weight of a mina, a unit of measurement in the Late Bronze Age. Ancient Greeks often repurposed such animal bones, sometimes filling them with lead to use as gaming dice or weights, adding another layer of mystery to its function.

The research underscores the rarity of paleontological finds from ancient Greece, particularly from the Bronze Age. While ancient texts frequently mention fossil discoveries and the myths they inspired, such as giants and Cyclopes, the physical evidence is sparse. This Mycenaean fossil contributes to our understanding of how ancient societies viewed their distant past and the natural world around them.

Ultimately, this find suggests that the Mycenaeans were not only aware of their history but actively sought connections to a mythological past. By collecting and preserving such fossils, they may have participated in the creation of myths, embedding them in their cultural and heroic narratives. The study adds a new dimension to how we perceive Mycenaean society, emphasizing their complex relationship with history and myth.

Viking Age Settlement Traces Unveiled at Naur Church: Aerial Photoarchaeology’s New Frontier in Denmark

Recent advances in aerial photoarchaeology have uncovered traces of a Viking Age settlement near Naur Church, close to Holstebro, Denmark. This discovery, part of a larger effort to map Denmark’s historical landscape, highlights the immense potential of using airborne technologies to reveal cultural heritage sites that have long remained invisible.

Pioneering Aerial Photoarchaeology in Denmark

Aerial photoarchaeology has become a vital tool for uncovering traces of Denmark's ancient past, providing a perspective from above that ground-based archaeology cannot offer. Archaeologists Lis Helles Olesen from Holstebro Museum and Esben Schlosser Mauritsen from Ringkøbing-Skjern Museum have been at the forefront of this innovative approach. Together, they recently published Aerial Photoarchaeology in Denmark, documenting the results of extensive aerial surveys conducted between 2008 and 2012.

The team dedicated 220 hours of flight time, covering 745 locations, primarily focusing on crop marks—changes in vegetation patterns caused by buried archaeological features. Their findings were remarkable: 84 percent of the identified features were previously unknown, a testament to the potential of aerial photoarchaeology to transform our understanding of Denmark’s past. Their surveys covered large swaths of western and southern Jutland, extending into Himmerland, Salling, and northern Funen.

Technological Advances in Aerial Archaeology

Aerial archaeology has developed rapidly in recent years, particularly with the integration of advanced technologies such as multispectral imaging, laser scanning, drones, and magnetometry. Multispectral imaging, for example, allows researchers to detect subtle differences in vegetation that may indicate buried structures, while laser scanning (LiDAR) can penetrate forest canopies to reveal landscape features hidden to the naked eye.

Traces of a Viking Age settlement at Naur Church near Holstebro. The round dark green spots are traces of buried work huts. Photos: from the book

Olesen emphasizes the importance of continuing to push the boundaries of these techniques in Denmark, noting that significant advancements are already taking place internationally. Among the more promising developments are the use of green laser technologies, which can even penetrate clear water, opening up new possibilities for uncovering underwater archaeological sites.

Mapping Cultural Heritage from the Sky

Olesen and Mauritsen argue that aerial photoarchaeology holds the key to better preserving Denmark’s cultural heritage. They recommend the continued prioritization of this method, combined with the study of existing aerial photographs, laser scans, and geophysical methods, to provide a more comprehensive understanding of Denmark’s prehistory. By mapping archaeological sites from above, researchers can gain insight into ancient settlements, burial sites, and agricultural practices that might otherwise go unnoticed.

Financial and Societal Implications

Despite its promising results, aerial photoarchaeology faces financial challenges. Olesen points out that the current system of financing Danish archaeology limits the potential for method development and broader studies. Most archaeological funding is allocated for specific excavations, leaving little room for the development of new techniques or the publication of findings.

Olesen proposes a new funding model: instead of builders paying for individual excavations on construction sites, a small percentage of construction costs could be allocated to an archaeological fund. This fund could then be used to finance large-scale surveys, develop new technologies, and ensure the publication of findings, making archaeological research more sustainable and widely accessible.

Trelleborg type house (Fyrkat), photo by Esben Schlosser Mauritsen

A Legacy of Aerial Archaeology

The recent discoveries at Naur Church build on Denmark’s longstanding tradition of aerial archaeology. In 2002, Olesen and her husband, Palle Eriksen, published Fortiden set fra himlen (The Past Seen from the Sky), the first Danish book on aerial archaeology. This work helped establish connections with international experts and cemented Denmark’s place in the global archaeological community. The current project is now recognized as a national undertaking and forms part of the broader EU-funded ArchaeoLandscapes Europe initiative.

The project owes much to early pioneers like museum inspector Hans Stiesdal of the National Museum, who was the first in Denmark to seriously engage with aerial archaeology, even obtaining a pilot’s license to pursue this research. Stiesdal’s legacy lives on as today’s archaeologists continue to uncover traces of Denmark’s ancient past from the skies.

Traces of the Past, Seen from the Skies

The ability to soar above the landscape offers archaeologists a unique view of the traces left by ancient peoples. Flying over a golden cornfield, one might spot the outlines of Iron Age longhouses, ancient wells, and the remnants of fences that once enclosed bustling farmsteads. These traces, long hidden beneath the surface, emerge as warm reminders of the communities that once thrived in Denmark.

As Olesen and Mauritsen put it, “When we rise above the ground, we can see the traces of our ancestors' behavior. With our images, the hidden cultural heritage becomes visible, and we also get the opportunity to preserve it for posterity.” Their work opens a new chapter in Danish archaeology, inviting curious readers and fellow researchers into the cockpit to witness firsthand the transformative power of aerial photoarchaeology.

With the continued development of these airborne methods and the expansion of archaeological mapping efforts, the future of Denmark’s cultural heritage is set to be better understood, preserved, and appreciated by generations to come.

Archaeologists Identify Possible Key Region for Neanderthal and Homo Sapiens Interbreeding

A new archaeological study has identified the Zagros Mountains, located on the Persian Plateau, as a significant zone where interbreeding between Neanderthals and Homo sapiens likely occurred during the Late Pleistocene, roughly 50,000–60,000 years ago. This mountainous region, situated between two major biogeographical realms (the Palearctic and Afrotropical), became a key refuge during periods of climatic shifts, making it a favorable meeting ground for different human species.

Using advanced ecological niche modeling, the researchers were able to analyze environmental factors like temperature and precipitation to determine where Neanderthals and anatomically modern humans might have coexisted. The Zagros region, particularly in areas like Shanidar Cave and Bawa Yawan rock shelter, yielded both fossil and archaeological evidence supporting this theory. Notably, a Neanderthal tooth found in Bawa Yawan, dated to around 65,000 years ago, was discovered alongside Mousterian tools, further solidifying this region as a critical point of contact.

The implications of this study are profound, as genetic evidence shows that Neanderthal DNA, comprising 1–4% of the genome in non-African populations today, affects traits such as immune responses and skin pigmentation. By pinpointing potential interbreeding zones like the Zagros Mountains, scientists are piecing together a more nuanced understanding of human evolution, particularly how these two species shaped the genetic makeup of modern humans.

Habitat suitability models of the two Homo species and their potential contact and interbreeding zones in Southwest Asia and Southeast Europe. This figure was generated in QGIS 3.14.1 (www.qgis.org). The figures of the Neanderthal (left) and modern human (right) are adapted from www.demorgen.be.

This discovery not only underscores the importance of geographical features in human migration and interaction but also deepens our understanding of Neanderthals as complex beings who may have practiced rituals such as flower burials—behaviors once thought exclusive to Homo sapiens. Continued research in this region is expected to reveal even more about the interwoven histories of these ancient populations.

For further details, you can refer to the original study and analysis published in Scientific Reports.

New Findings Reinforce the Authenticity Debate of the Turin Shroud

The Shroud of Turin, a linen cloth revered by many as the burial shroud of Jesus Christ, has mystified scholars and believers alike for centuries. First unveiled in the 1350s, the shroud displays a faint image of a man, which has been the subject of intense debate regarding its origins and authenticity.

When it was initially presented, the Shroud was heralded as the actual burial cloth used to wrap the body of Christ after his crucifixion. The image on the shroud, depicting a bearded man with his arms crossed, was believed by many to be a miraculous imprint of Jesus himself. However, scientific research in the 1980s cast doubt on this claim, dating the fabric to the Middle Ages, long after Jesus lived.

Recent studies by Italian scientists, employing cutting-edge techniques involving x-rays, have reignited the debate by dating the shroud's material to around 2,000 years ago, a timeline consistent with the era of Jesus. This finding supports the theory that the bloodstained pattern on the shroud could indeed have been left by Jesus’ body after his crucifixion.

According to the Bible, Joseph of Arimathea wrapped Jesus’ body in a linen shroud and placed it in a tomb. The Gospel of Matthew (27:59–60) details this event, which has been a cornerstone of Christian tradition. The Shroud of Turin, since its first public display in the 14th century, has fascinated historians, religious leaders, skeptics, and the faithful alike. It has been preserved in the Cathedral of San Giovanni Battista in Turin, Italy, since 1578.

The cloth itself reveals faint, brownish images of a gaunt man, standing between 5'7" and 6' tall, with markings that correspond to the crucifixion wounds described in the Bible, including thorn marks on the head, lacerations on the back, and bruises on the shoulders. These details align with the biblical account of Jesus’ suffering, suggesting that the man depicted on the shroud endured similar torture.

In 1988, an international team of researchers performed carbon dating on a small fragment of the shroud, concluding that the fabric originated between 1260 and 1390 AD. This finding was based on the decay of carbon-14, a radioactive isotope, which led many to dismiss the shroud as a medieval forgery.

Nevertheless, some experts have continued to challenge this conclusion, arguing that the linen could be genuine. They point out that the shroud is made of flax, which was commonly grown in the Middle East, and that the image on the fabric bears a striking resemblance to the traditional depiction of Jesus, complete with a crown of thorns.

In the latest study, researchers from Italy’s Institute of Crystallography of the National Research Council applied a technique called wide-angle X-ray scattering (WAXS) to date the shroud. This method analyzes the natural aging of flax cellulose, converting it into a timeline from the fabric’s manufacture. The team examined eight small samples from the Shroud of Turin, using X-rays to reveal intricate details of the linen’s structure and the breakdown of its cellulose over time.

Cellulose, a component of plant cell walls, degrades at a measurable rate, providing insights into the age of the material. By assessing this degradation, the researchers estimated that the shroud was kept at a temperature of about 72.5 degrees Fahrenheit with 55 percent relative humidity for approximately 13 centuries before arriving in Europe. This analysis aligns the shroud’s origin with the first century AD, further supporting its authenticity.

The Bible states that, Joseph of Arimathea wrapped the body of Jesus in a linen shroud and placed it in a new tomb.

To validate their findings, the researchers compared the shroud’s cellulose degradation with that of other linens discovered in Israel dating back to the first century. They found that the data profiles were consistent with linen samples dated between 55 and 74 AD, such as those found at Masada, Israel, Herod's ancient fortress overlooking the Dead Sea.

Conversely, when the shroud’s degradation was compared with linens from the medieval period (1260–1390 AD), no similarities were found. The study concluded that to align the 1988 carbon dating results with the new findings, the shroud would have had to be preserved at an unusually high temperature throughout its supposed 700-year history—a scenario deemed highly unlikely.

Dr. Liberato De Caro, the study’s lead author, suggested that the 1988 carbon dating might have been flawed due to contamination that could not be entirely removed from the sample. He argued that carbon-14 dating is unreliable if the cleaning process is inadequate, which may have been the case in 1988. He also noted that there was a significant increase in carbon-14 concentration from the edges towards the center of the shroud, which could have skewed the dating results.

The Shroud of Turin remains one of the most studied and debated artifacts in history. Since the 1980s, over 170 peer-reviewed academic papers have examined the shroud, with many concluding that it is authentic. Earlier investigations in the 1970s explored whether the images were created by painting, scorching, or other means, but no definitive method was identified.

Further complicating the debate, in 2017, another team from the Institute of Crystallography found evidence of blood from a torture victim on the shroud, identifying substances like creatinine and ferritin, which are typically present in victims of severe trauma. These findings contradict the theory that the image was painted by medieval forgers.

As the scientific community continues to explore the mysteries of the Shroud of Turin, the debate over its authenticity endures. The recent discoveries add a compelling new dimension to this ancient puzzle, suggesting that the shroud may indeed date back to the time of Jesus and keeping alive the centuries-old quest to uncover the truth behind this enigmatic relic.

Scotland to Stonehenge: The Remarkable Voyage of the Altar Stone

Stonehenge, the ancient stone circle on Salisbury Plain in southern England, has puzzled and fascinated people for centuries. From medieval tales of wizards like Merlin magically transporting the stones from Ireland to theories involving the Romans, Vikings, and Druids, the origins of this iconic monument have long been shrouded in mystery. Recent research, however, sheds new light on one of Stonehenge’s most enigmatic features—the Altar Stone.

This large, flat stone, partially buried at the center of the monument, has always stood out among the other stones. A recent study suggests that it might have traveled an extraordinary distance—over 800 kilometers—from the far north of Scotland to its final resting place in England. This discovery adds a new chapter to the story of Stonehenge, highlighting the impressive capabilities of the Neolithic people who built it.

The Altar Stone is unique among Stonehenge’s stones. Most of the massive upright stones, known as sarsens, were sourced from the nearby Marlborough Downs, just 25 kilometers away. The smaller bluestones, which form a circle within the larger sarsen structure, were transported from the Mynydd Preseli mountains in Wales, about 240 kilometers from Stonehenge. The altar stone, however, is made of sandstone, a material not found in either of these locations.

Using advanced geochemical analysis, scientists have traced the origin of the Altar Stone to the Old Red Sandstone formations in the Orcadian Basin, located in the northeast of Scotland and the Orkney Islands. This is a remarkable finding, as it suggests that Neolithic people transported this six-tonne stone over a vast distance, likely by sea.

The idea of moving such a massive stone by land seems nearly impossible, given the rugged terrain between Scotland and southern England. A sea voyage, although risky, seems more plausible. Archaeologists believe that Neolithic people had the skills and technology to undertake such a journey, even though evidence of their boats has yet to be found. They were already transporting livestock like cattle, sheep, and goats across the sea, so moving a stone, although challenging, might have been within their capabilities.

The transport of the Altar Stone would have been a significant event, likely attracting attention and participation from communities along the way. The stone’s journey adds to our understanding of the connections between different regions of Britain during the Neolithic period. It also suggests that the builders of Stonehenge were not just skilled in construction but also had a deep understanding of the land and its resources.

While the study has provided valuable insights, the exact location in Scotland where the Altar Stone was quarried remains unknown. Researchers are continuing their work, hoping to uncover more about this fascinating stone and the people who moved it.

This discovery is just the latest in a long line of revelations about Stonehenge, and it’s unlikely to be the last. As scientists continue to study this ancient site, they are sure to uncover even more surprises, adding to the rich tapestry of stories that make Stonehenge one of the most intriguing monuments in the world.

Kalašma Language Deciphered: A Forgotten Indo-European Language of the Bronze Age Anatolia

The Rediscovery of Kalasma: A Glimpse into Anatolia's Multilingual Past

The ancient land of Anatolia, a crossroads of cultures and languages in the ancient world, has once again yielded a remarkable discovery. In 2023, during excavations in Hattuša, the capital of the once-mighty Hittite Empire, archaeologists uncovered a trove of cuneiform tablets that revealed a long-lost language: Kalašma. This discovery, located in the region that is today’s Boğazkale in Turkey, has opened a new chapter in our understanding of the linguistic and cultural diversity that flourished in Anatolia over three millennia ago.

Discovery and Decipherment

The discovery of the Kalašma language is centered around 174 cuneiform tablets found at the excavation site at the foot of Ambarlıkaya in Boğazköy-Hattusha. These tablets, dating back to the Late Bronze Age, were inscribed with a language that was previously unknown to scholars. The language has been identified as part of the Anatolian branch of the Indo-European language family, a group that also includes Hittite, Luwian, and Palaic.

The decipherment of the Kalašma language was a collaborative effort involving several scholars. Professor Daniel Schwemer from the Department of Near Eastern Languages at the University of Würzburg played a key role in the initial transliteration of the texts from cuneiform to the Latin alphabet. His work was further analyzed by linguistics experts, including Professor Elisabet Rieken and Associate Professor Ilya Yakubovitich from the University of Marburg. Their combined efforts have allowed us to begin to understand the language and its significance.

The People of Kalašma

According to the findings, the Kalašma people inhabited a region near what is now the Gerede district of Bolu province in modern-day Turkey. The language of Kalašma, though similar to Luwian, which was spoken in southern Anatolia, represents a unique cultural and linguistic entity within the broader Hittite Empire. The Hittites, known for their vast empire that spanned much of Anatolia and the Eastern Mediterranean, were highly interested in recording rituals and religious practices in the native languages of the regions they controlled. This practice not only reflects the Hittites' respect for local traditions but also their pragmatic approach to governance and control.

Hattuša excavation head Prof. Dr. Andreas Schachner

The Tablets and Their Content

The Kalašma tablets primarily contain texts related to daily life and celebrations, offering a rare glimpse into the everyday practices of this lost culture. While the content of the tablets does not provide groundbreaking historical information, it is invaluable for understanding the multilingual and multicultural landscape of Anatolia around 2000 BCE. The texts reveal that the Hittites, in their interactions with the conquered regions, incorporated local deities into their own pantheon, worshipping these gods in their native languages. This practice was likely intended to integrate these regions more firmly into the Hittite Empire by respecting and preserving their cultural identities.

One particularly intriguing aspect of the Kalašma texts is their religious significance. The tablets often reference rituals and ceremonies conducted in the Kalašma language, underscoring the importance of performing religious rites in a language that was believed to be understood by the gods of that region. The Hittites believed that the gods of Kalašma, like those of other regions, would not understand the Hittite language, hence the need to communicate with them in their native tongue. This practice highlights the deep-rooted belief in the power of language in religious and cultural contexts in the ancient world.

The Broader Linguistic Landscape of Anatolia

The discovery of Kalašma adds to the already complex linguistic tapestry of ancient Anatolia. The region was home to a variety of languages, including Hittite, Luwian, Palaic, and Hattic. The Hittites, in particular, left behind a rich archive of cuneiform texts that include not only their own language but also passages in these other languages. This reflects the diverse cultural influences that the Hittites encountered and absorbed over the centuries.

The significance of the Kalašma language lies not only in its uniqueness but also in what it tells us about the broader interactions between different cultures and languages in ancient Anatolia. The multilingual nature of the region, as evidenced by the variety of languages recorded in Hittite texts, suggests a high degree of cultural exchange and integration. The discovery of Kalašma, therefore, provides new insights into the ways in which the Hittites and their contemporaries navigated and managed this diversity.

The Future of Kalašma Studies

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The publication of the Kalašma texts, led by Professor Schwemer, is set to begin in November 2023. This publication will make the full corpus of 174 tablets available to scholars worldwide, paving the way for further research into this newly discovered language. As more is learned about Kalašma, it is likely that our understanding of the ancient world, particularly the intricate dynamics of language, culture, and power in Anatolia, will continue to evolve.

In conclusion, the rediscovery of the Kalašma language is a testament to the rich and diverse history of Anatolia. It underscores the region’s role as a melting pot of cultures and languages in the ancient world. As scholars continue to study the Kalašma texts, we can look forward to new insights into the lives of the people who once inhabited this fascinating region and the complex web of interactions that shaped their world.

The work ‘Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazköi (Cuneiform Texts from Boghazköi)’, written by Prof. Dr. Schwemer on the decipherment of 174 tablets, is now available digitally.

Researchers Discover Ancient Maya Water Filtration System, First in Western Hemisphere's

Advanced Technology in Ancient Tikal

Over 2,000 years ago, the Maya civilization constructed a sophisticated water filtration system in the city of Tikal, utilizing materials sourced from miles away. Recent excavations in northern Guatemala have unearthed remnants of this ancient engineering feat, as reported by Michelle Starr for Science Alert.

An Early Example of Modern Filtration

Published in the journal Scientific Reports, the research indicates that the Corriental reservoir filtration system was established as early as 2,185 years ago, shortly after Tikal's founding around 300 B.C. The system employed crystalline quartz and zeolite, minerals that formed a "molecular sieve" capable of filtering out harmful microbes, heavy metals, and other pollutants. Remarkably, these same minerals are still used in contemporary water filtration.

Lead author Kenneth Barnett Tankersley, an archaeologist at the University of Cincinnati, highlights the significance of this discovery, noting that the Maya developed this effective filtration method over two millennia ago. Previously, the use of zeolite for water filtration was believed to have originated in the early 20th century.

Advanced Engineering in the Maya Civilization

The Maya's water management techniques demonstrate a level of technological sophistication comparable to, and in some cases surpassing, other ancient civilizations. While ancient Egypt, Greece, and South Asia utilized simpler filtration methods as early as the 15th century B.C., the Maya's use of quartz and zeolite placed them millennia ahead in water purification technology.

Addressing Water Quality in Tikal

Tikal's location on porous limestone presented significant water scarcity challenges during seasonal droughts. The filtration system was crucial for ensuring safe drinking water, as the Corriental reservoir would have otherwise contained cyanobacteria and other toxins harmful to human health.

Previous research by the team identified mercury contamination in other Tikal reservoirs, likely from pigments used in ceremonial contexts. However, the Corriental reservoir remained free from such pollution, providing cleaner water for the city's inhabitants.

Hypothetical scheme of the ancient water purification system at Tikal. Macro-crystalline quartz crystal sand and zeolite filtration system positioned just upstream of, or within the reservoir ingress. Kenneth Barnett Tankersley used Microsoft PowerPoint for Mac Version 16.41 (www.microsoft.com) to create this figure.

Clever Resource Utilization

The study suggests that the Maya sourced quartz and zeolite from the Bajo de Azúcar area, about 18 miles northeast of Tikal, where these materials naturally purified water. Co-author Nicholas P. Dunning posits that the Maya likely observed the association between these materials and clean water, leading to their intentional transportation and use in Tikal's filtration system. The system's design included settling tanks to further purify water before it entered the reservoir, resulting in cleaner, better-tasting water.

Rediscovery of Tikal

Known as Yax Mutal to its ancient residents, Tikal housed over 3,000 structures and a population of at least 60,000 at its peak around 750 A.D. Following its abandonment 900 years ago, much of the city was hidden until Guatemalan archaeologists uncovered significant portions, including the Lost World complex of pyramids and buildings, in the late 20th century.

Tikal site map. (A) Location of Tikal in the southern Maya lowland. (B) The location of the Corriental, Palace, Perdido, Temple, and Tikal reservoirs, and the Inscription sinkhole and their catchment areas. (C) A lidar-derived hillshade image of the Corriental reservoir. The lidar-derived hillshade images (B,C) were created by Francisco Estrada-Belli, a principle of the PACUNAM Lidar initiative23. Christopher Carr used ESRI ArcGIS 10.3.1 software (www.esri.com) to create a GIS layer of the catchment areas, georeferenced on the hillshades to make the base maps. Kenneth Barnett Tankersley then used Microsoft PowerPoint for Mac Version 16.41 (www.microsoft.com) to create this figure.

Extensive written records provide a detailed history of Tikal's rulers over an 800-year span. In 1979, UNESCO designated Tikal National Park as a World Heritage site, recognizing its well-preserved structures and artistic achievements as evidence of Maya cultural and scientific development.

The newly discovered water filtration system enhances our understanding of Maya scientific advancements. Future research by Tankersley and his team aims to identify other Maya sites that may have employed similar water purification technologies.

Rewriting History: Princeton Researchers Reveal The Close Relationship Between Humans and Neanderthals

Princeton Researchers Reveal the Complex History of Neanderthals

Since discovering the first Neanderthal bones, scientists have been curious about how these ancient humans lived and interacted with us. Questions about our differences, similarities, and interactions—whether friendly or hostile—have persisted. The discovery of Denisovans, a Neanderthal-like group in Asia and Oceania, added more intrigue.

Now, a team of geneticists and AI experts, led by Joshua Akey from Princeton, is rewriting this history. They found that modern humans and Neanderthals had a much closer and frequent contact than previously thought.

"This is the first time we've identified multiple waves of mixing between modern humans and Neanderthals," said Liming Li, who worked in Akey’s lab.

For most of history, modern humans and Neanderthals interacted. Humans split from the Neanderthal family tree about 600,000 years ago and developed our modern features about 250,000 years ago. From then until Neanderthals disappeared 30,000 years ago, they regularly met and mixed with modern humans.

Illustration by

Matilda Luk, Office of Communications

Mapping Genetic Interactions

Using genomes from 2,000 living humans, three Neanderthals, and one Denisovan, Akey’s team mapped genetic exchanges over the past 250,000 years with a tool called IBDmix. This tool uses machine learning to decode genomes, revealing more detailed interactions than previous methods.

Their findings showed waves of contact about 200-250,000 years ago, another wave 100-120,000 years ago, and the largest wave about 50-60,000 years ago. This contrasts with the earlier belief that humans stayed in Africa for 200,000 years before spreading out.

"This shows humans were migrating out of Africa and back much earlier and more often than we thought," Akey said. This frequent movement led to many interactions with Neanderthals and Denisovans.

A New Look at Neanderthal Extinction

The study also revealed that Neanderthals had a smaller population than previously believed. Traditional genetic modeling used gene diversity as a proxy for population size. However, using IBDmix, Akey’s team showed that much of the genetic diversity in Neanderthals came from modern humans.

As a result, the estimated population of Neanderthals was reduced from 3,400 to about 2,400 breeding individuals.

Illustration by Michael Francis Reagan

How Neanderthals Disappeared

These findings suggest that Neanderthals didn't go extinct but were absorbed into human populations. Fred Smith first proposed this "assimilation model" in 1989. Akey supports this idea, saying, "Neanderthals were slowly shrinking until they merged with human communities."

"Modern humans gradually overwhelmed Neanderthals and incorporated them into our populations," Akey explained.

The research, titled “Recurrent gene flow between Neanderthals and modern humans over the past 200,000 years,” was published in the journal Science on July 13. The study was supported by the National Institutes of Health (grant R01GM110068 to JMA).

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Read the full research here: “Recurrent gene flow between Neanderthals and modern humans over the past 200,000 years,” by Liming Li, Troy J. Comi, Rob F. Bierma, and Joshua M. Akey, appears in the July 13 issue of the journal Science (DOI: 10.1126/science.adi1768). This research was supported by the National Institutes of Health (grant R01GM110068 to JMA).

New Magnetostratigraphic Dating of Earliest Hominin Sites in Europe

Background of Evolving European Chronologies and Present Debate

The study of early human migration into Europe has seen significant advancements over the past four decades. Initial findings from the 1980s placed the earliest human presence in Europe at approximately 0.7 million years ago (Ma). However, more recent discoveries have extended this timeline back to as early as 1.8 Ma in regions such as the southern Caucasus and 1.7-2.1 Ma in China. In Europe, precise dating of these early sites has been challenging due to the absence of volcanic materials for radiometric dating, limited magnetostratigraphic studies, and other constraints. This has led to a prolonged debate about the actual timeline of the first human arrival in Europe.

The Orce Sites

The Orce region in southeastern Spain has been a focal point for studying early human presence. Located in the Baza Basin, this area is rich in Early Pleistocene sedimentary strata and vertebrate fossils. Initial excavations in the 1980s at Venta Micena uncovered what was believed to be a human skull fragment, sparking controversy over its classification. Subsequent findings, including additional human bones and stone tools, further supported the presence of early humans in this region.

Methods

Geological Mapping of the Orce Region

A comprehensive geological map of the Orce area was developed, detailing the distribution of lithostratigraphic units and paleontological sites. This map is essential for establishing a chronostratigraphic framework for the region.

Lithostratigraphic Correlations

Stratigraphic sections were measured at various paleontological sites within the Orce region. These sections were correlated using key marker beds, polarity boundaries, and other stratigraphic criteria. This correlation helps in understanding the vertical and lateral distribution of different lithostratigraphic units.

Paleomagnetic Methods

A detailed paleomagnetic study was conducted on the Orce sedimentary sequences. This involved collecting samples from various stratigraphic levels and analyzing their magnetic properties to identify different magnetic polarity zones. This analysis helps in dating the sedimentary sequences by correlating them with known geomagnetic polarity timescales.

Micropaleontology

Rodent paleontological collections from the Orce sites were studied and compared with other Early Pleistocene localities in Europe. The measurements and comparisons of rodent molars provide additional biostratigraphic data to refine the chronology of the Orce sites.

Results

Geological Mapping and Stratigraphy

The new geological map for the Orce region provides greater accuracy in correlating stratigraphic sections. The map distinguishes between different lithostratigraphic units, which have been associated with specific faunal assemblages and geological features.

Magnetostratigraphy

The paleomagnetic analysis identified five magnetic zones within 80 meters of sedimentary strata, placing all paleontological and archaeological sites in the Vélez Valley between two normal zones. This sequence includes a normal zone correlated with the Olduvai subchron (1.93-1.77 Ma) and another with the Jaramillo subchron (1.071-0.991 Ma). The presence of these magnetic zones helps refine the age of the hominin sites within the Orce region.

Biostratigraphy

The paleontological data from the Orce sites, particularly the rodent assemblages, provide important chronological information. The presence of different species of rodents at various stratigraphic levels helps establish a more detailed timeline for the Early Pleistocene faunal succession in the region.

Bayesian Age Model

A Bayesian age-stratigraphic model was implemented to estimate the ages of the archaeological sites. This model, which considers all available chronostratigraphic data, indicates that the hominin sites of Venta Micena, Barranco León-5, and Fuente Nueva-3 were occupied between 1.32 and 1.23 Ma.

Discussion

Implications for the Oldest European Hominin Record

The findings from the Orce region provide the oldest and most accurately dated evidence of early human presence in Europe, suggesting that hominins arrived in southern Europe around 1.3 Ma. This arrival predates the known occupation of northern European sites and indicates a significant migration event from Africa to Europe through the Strait of Gibraltar.

Asia Occupied Before Europe?

The study suggests that the early human migration into Europe occurred after their settlement in Asia. The geographical barriers, such as the Mediterranean and Black Seas, as well as the climatic conditions in northern Europe, likely delayed the westward expansion of early humans into Europe.

Conclusion

The Orce region presents a unique and significant record of early human occupation in Europe, dating back to approximately 1.3 Ma. The integration of geological mapping, paleomagnetic analysis, and biostratigraphic data provides a robust framework for understanding the timing and sequence of early human migration into Europe. This study highlights the importance of the Orce sites in the broader context of human evolutionary history.

Read the whole research here: Magnetostratigraphic dating of earliest hominin sites in Europe

World's Oldest Cave Art Unveiled: A Glimpse into Early Human Creativity

A groundbreaking discovery on the Indonesian island of Sulawesi has unveiled the oldest known figurative cave art, dating back at least 51,200 years. This remarkable find, made by a collaborative team of Australian and Indonesian researchers, features a depiction of a wild pig accompanied by three human-like figures, predating the previous record-holder by over 5,000 years.

Unveiling Ancient Creativity

Professor Maxime Aubert from Griffith University in Australia emphasized the significance of this discovery in altering our understanding of human evolution. Speaking to BBC News, he highlighted that this ancient painting offers a profound glimpse into early human abstract thinking and storytelling capabilities. “The painting tells a complex story. It is the oldest piece of evidence we have for storytelling. It shows that humans at the time had the capacity to think in abstract terms,” he remarked.

The Detailed Depiction

Located in the limestone cave of Leang Karampuang in South Sulawesi's Maros-Pangkep region, the artwork portrays a pig standing with its mouth partially open and three human-like figures around it. One figure appears to extend both arms while holding a rod. Another stands directly in front of the pig, with its head close to the animal's snout, seemingly holding a stick that might touch the pig’s throat. The third figure is depicted upside-down, legs splayed, with a hand reaching towards the pig's head.

a, Photostitched panorama of the rock art panel (using photographs enhanced using DStretch_Ire). Ther, therianthrope. b, Tracing of the dated rock art panel showing the results of LA-U-series dating. c, Transect view of the rock art sample BSP4.5 after removal from the artwork, highlighting the paint layer and the three integration zones (ROIs) and associated age calculations. d, LA-MC-ICP-MS imaging of the BSP4.5 232Th/238U isotopic activity ratio.

The Research Team and Significance

Led by Adhi Agus Oktaviana, an Indonesian rock art specialist from the National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN) in Jakarta, the team underscores the role of narrative storytelling in early human culture. Oktaviana noted, “Humans have probably been telling stories for much longer than 51,200 years, but as words do not fossilize, we can only go by indirect proxies like depictions of scenes in art, and the Sulawesi art is now the oldest such evidence by far that is known to archaeology.”

Evolution of Artistic Expression

While geometric patterns found in South Africa’s Blombos Caves dating back 75,000 to 100,000 years represent early human drawing, they do not constitute representational art. The newly discovered painting in Sulawesi, however, marks a significant evolutionary step, showcasing abstract representation of the surrounding world and indicating advanced cognitive processes.

Exploring the Origins of Abstract Thought

Dr. Henry Gee, senior editor at the journal Nature, where the findings were published, speculated on what might have spurred this cognitive awakening in humans around 50,000 years ago. “Something seems to have happened around 50,000 years ago, shortly after which all other species of humans, such as Neanderthals and the so-called Hobbit, died out,” he said. He suggested that there might be even earlier examples of representational art yet to be discovered.

Implications for Archaeology

This discovery challenges the previously Eurocentric view that abstract thought and art originated in Western Europe, a perspective largely based on ancient cave paintings found in Spain and Southern France. In recent years, however, findings in Sulawesi, including colored hand outlines from 2014 and a 40,000-year-old animal painting in Borneo from 2018, have highlighted Southeast Asia's pivotal role in early human artistic development.

Professor Chris Stringer of the Natural History Museum in London commented on the broader implications, suggesting that more ancient representational art might be found in Africa, where modern humans first evolved. “This find reinforces the idea that representational art was first produced in Africa before 50,000 years ago, and the concept spread as our species spread,” he said.

Advances in Dating Techniques

The precise dating of the Sulawesi cave art was facilitated by a novel method involving laser-cutting minute samples from the artwork. This technique allows for more detailed and accurate analysis, potentially leading to the re-dating of other cave art sites worldwide and further pushing back the timeline of human artistic expression.

A New Perspective on Human History

Adam Brumm from Griffith University highlighted the significance of these findings in understanding early human storytelling. “It is noteworthy that the oldest cave art we have found in Sulawesi thus far consists of recognizable scenes: that is, paintings that depict humans and animals interacting in such a way that we can infer the artist intended to communicate a narrative of some kind—a story,” he explained.

This discovery not only reshapes our understanding of early human creativity but also underscores the importance of narrative in the development of human culture, offering a deeper appreciation of our species’ cognitive and artistic evolution.