From the Earth, Not the Sky: Debunking Extraterrestrial Theories of the Nazca Lines

Myth Versus Reality: How the Nazca Lines Were Truly Meant to Be Seen

The arid plains of Peru’s Nazca Desert hold one of the world’s most enigmatic archaeological enigmas: the Nazca Lines. These colossal geoglyphs, created by the Nazca culture between 500 BCE and 500 CE, consist of hundreds of figures ranging from geometric patterns to stylized images of animals, plants, and mythical shapes. Stretching across nearly 450 square kilometers, these lines have puzzled historians, archaeologists, and enthusiasts for decades.

Origins and Discovery

The Nazca Lines were not widely known until the 20th century, when airplanes flying overhead revealed the vast and intricate designs etched into the landscape. This discovery propelled a myriad of theories about their purpose and creation, transforming them into a focal point for both scientific research and popular speculation.

Visibility and Purpose

One of the most striking aspects of the Nazca Lines is that they can be seen from the surrounding hilltops and even more distinctly from the Andes mountains nearby. This visibility refutes the more fantastical theories that claim only gods or extraterrestrial beings should be able to see the lines from above. Instead, it suggests that the Nazca people designed these geoglyphs with both an understanding and an appreciation of their natural landscape.

Archaeologists have proposed that the lines served a multifaceted set of purposes, blending the practical with the spiritual. Some suggest that the lines functioned as astronomical markers, aligning with key celestial events, which were critical in an agricultural society dependent on the seasonal cycles. Others believe the lines were part of ritualistic processes, perhaps used as sacred paths during religious ceremonies dedicated to deities who controlled fertility and water, crucial elements in the harsh desert environment.

Construction Techniques

The method of their creation is equally impressive. The geoglyphs were formed by removing the reddish pebbles that cover the terrain to reveal the lighter earth beneath. This technique not only required laborious effort but also an intricate knowledge of geometric design and spatial organization. The precision of the lines, some stretching up to several kilometers in length, showcases Nazca's sophisticated understanding of mathematics and surveying.

Debunking the Mythical

The visibility of the geoglyphs from nearby highlands also debunks more speculative theories, such as those suggesting the Nazca used hot air balloons to survey their constructions. Mainstream archaeology considers these theories a distraction from the true ingenuity of the Nazca culture. The lines were likely not meant for the gods in the sky but for rituals observed by participants walking along the paths, engaging directly with the figures etched into the earth.

Legacy and Preservation

Today, the Nazca Lines are a UNESCO World Heritage Site, protected and studied as precious relics of human creativity and ingenuity. The ongoing challenge is to preserve these vulnerable designs from threats such as climate change, erosion, and human activities. The lines have survived centuries, and with careful preservation, they can continue to fascinate and inspire generations to come.

The Nazca Lines remind us of the human capacity to reshape our environment into profound cultural expressions. These geoglyphs are not messages to be read from the heavens but monumental artworks that speak of the human spirit, ingenuity, and the eternal desire to commune with the cosmos.

An Ancient Recipe for Social Success

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By Linda M. Nicholas and Gary M. Feinman

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New evidence and understandings about the structure of successful early societies across Asia, Africa, and the Western Hemisphere are sweeping away the popular assumption that early societies tended toward autocracy and despotism.

Archaeology has a more valuable story to tell: Collective action and localized economic production are a recipe for sustainability and broader well-being. The Mesoamerican city of Monte Albán, which was a major regional urban center for 1,300 years, is a shining example. It is a powerful case study that shows that early investments in public infrastructure and goods foster longer-term sustainability.

There is a rich vein of insight here for some of the most pressing challenges faced by humanity: billions of people living in poverty and collapsing social structures in the developing world. Additionally, the flaws in our political and economic models are making many people in the wealthy industrialized world more and more disillusioned.

But if we’re going to use models from the ancient past, can we be confident about how early societies really operated?

Researchers have begun to identify archaeological evidence that works as an indicator for political and social behaviors and institutions.

●      Is there evidence of extreme wealth disparity or equality in lifestyle or burial?

●      Does monumental architecture foster exclusivity (elite tombs, aggrandizing monuments, evidence of dynastic legitimation) or access (e.g., open plazas, wide access ways, community temples)?

●      Are palaces prominent, or is it not clear where the leader resided?

●      Does art emphasize lineal descent, divine kingship, and royal patron deities, or does it feature more abstract themes such as fertility or integrative cosmological principles?

There is a lot we can determine from a society’s tendency toward the first or second option in each of these questions about whether it is more autocratic or associated with collective/good governance.

In a study of 26 early urban centers in Mesoamerica, Monte Albán was one of 12 that was characterized as a collectively organized city based on a series of indicators. Prior to the city’s abandonment, Monte Albán was not highly unequal: there were few, if any, lavish tombs, no great caches of household riches or other evidence of extreme wealth differences, and no large, ornate palace that was unequivocally the ruler’s residence.

From early in the site’s history, the city’s core was centered on a large plaza that could have accommodated a significant proportion of the site’s population. Flattening the hill’s rocky top and then defining and creating this large open space entailed planning, coordination, and cooperation. Until very late in the city’s history, material representations of rulers were relatively rare, and there is an overall lack of ruler aggrandizement. During the city’s first four centuries (500–100 BCE), there were few depictions of seemingly important individuals or leaders. Rule was largely faceless.

How did it happen?

In this light, let’s travel to the early sedentary villages (c. 1500–500 BCE) in the Valley of Oaxaca—the largest expanse of flat land in Mexico’s Southern Highlands. They were situated on or near well-watered land.

Around 500 BCE, however, a new hilltop center, Monte Albán, was established at the nexus of the valley’s three arms, where agriculture was far riskier due to unreliable rainfall and a dearth of permanent water sources. During the era of its establishment, not only was Monte Albán larger than any earlier community in the region, but many other settlers moved into the rural area around Monte Albán.

This marked shift in settlement patterns and the underlying processes associated with the foundation of Monte Albán have long been debated. How can we account for the immigration of people, some likely from beyond the region itself, to an area where they faced greater risks of crop failure?

One perspective, reliant on uniform models of premodern states as despotic, viewed the process from a basically top-down lens: leaders coerced their subjects to move near the capital to provide sustenance for the new center.

Yet more recent research has found that governance at Monte Albán was generally more collective than autocratic, and in its growth period, productive activities were collective, centered in domestic units, and not managed from above.

By the time Monte Albán was established in the Valley of Oaxaca, more than a thousand years had passed since foragers transitioned from mobile lifeways to sedentary communities. Maize, beans, and squash, which had been domesticated prior to village formation, were key elements of an agricultural economy, with maize providing the bulk of calories. Early villagers also exploited a mosaic of other natural resources including clay for making ceramic vessels and figurines, stone for making tools and ornaments, and plant materials for processing into a range of woven products.

The shift to sedentary life was a long social process through which formerly dispersed populations not only adjusted but also committed to living in larger communities and interacting with more people on a daily basis.

The Valley of Oaxaca has a climate that is semiarid, rainfall is unpredictable and spatially patchy across the region, and not all sectors of the valley floor receive the minimum annual precipitation necessary for reliable rainfall farming of maize, the region’s staple and culturally most important crop.

The prime factor that determines the productivity of maize is the availability of water, and a diversity of water management practices have been used since prehispanic times. These manipulations, which increase agricultural yields, include wells and pot irrigation, check dams, and small-scale canals, all of which were easily managed or implemented at the household level.

The Valley of Oaxaca was a core political-economic region. Prior to Monte Albán’s founding, most of the populace resided in one of three clusters of settlements that were separated from the others by largely unoccupied areas, including the center of the valley where Monte Albán was later situated. In each arm, a cluster of smaller communities surrounded one larger settlement that had special functions and served as the “head towns” of small competing polities.

This millennial pattern was broken when Monte Albán was built on a steep hilltop in the center of the valley. The settlement’s establishment and rapid growth in size and monumentality set off a dynamic episode of innovation and change that included demographic, dietary, and other economic shifts. Populations grew rapidly not only at the new center, which became the largest and most monumental city in the valley’s early history, but also in the surrounding countryside. The center and rural communities were integrated through an emergent market network that provisioned the city.

This dramatic episode of change required the coordination of labor to build the new city. The rocky hilltop was flattened into a large main plaza with monumental buildings constructed along its edges. The scale and orientation of this central plaza represent a key transition from prior community plans in the region. Residences for the city’s burgeoning population were constructed on the steep slopes of the hill by creating flattened spaces, or terraces, shored up by stone and earthen retaining walls, each of which sustained a domestic unit.

The allocation of the hill’s apex for civic-ceremonial space and the lower slopes for commoner residences was a blueprint for a broad social accord. Built environments are not neutral but political, and Monte Albán’s footprint with a large, relatively open central space and little display of hierarchical leaders points to a collective arrangement.

The city’s concentrated residential precincts comprised strings of artificially flattened terraces that shared long retaining walls. Construction of the terraces required allotments of domestic labor to clear trees, flatten steep inclinations, erect stone walls to retain flat spaces where houses would be built, and construct drainage channels to divert rainwater from living spaces. The construction, sharing, and maintenance of front retaining walls involved high degrees of interhousehold cooperation between neighbors.

Additionally, commoners adopted construction techniques and basic ceramic wares that were previously the domain of high-status families. In the early city, most houses included contiguous rooms with plaster floors, often constructed around a patio; they were built with adobe bricks on stone foundations instead of the mud and thatch typical of earlier commoner houses. The pottery wares that previously were largely used by higher-status families or as ceremonial vessels became more broadly distributed in the centuries after Monte Albán was established. This level of cooperation and coordination is evidence of a social charter or norms, in which a wider array of residents had access to what previously had been higher-status materials and goods.

No large-scale production has been uncovered, and there is no indication of central-governmental food storage at Monte Albán, as one might expect with top-down economic control or redistribution.

Economic production at Monte Albán was situated in domestic contexts. Instead of being coerced to move to Monte Albán, people were attracted to the city. Monte Albán was settled by a sizable group, possibly as large as 1,000 people, and rapidly grew to about 5,000 people within a few hundred years. Populations also increased in the rural areas around Monte Albán, and the annual rate of population growth in the valley exceeded what could have been maintained by natural increase alone. Populations expanded again in and around Monte Albán after c. 300 BCE. The threefold growth was too large to be accounted for by local, “natural growth,” so people must have been drawn to Monte Albán and the valley from more distant, extra-regional locations.

Evidence indicates that the agricultural catchment for feeding Monte Albán likely extended 20 kilometers from the city. The market and exchange networks that moved food to the city created a high degree of interconnection among small settlements and Monte Albán. This interdependence required cooperation, infrastructure, and institutions that together provided the means of moving food and distributing seasonal surpluses.

Prior to Monte Albán, early “head towns” were generally positioned adjacent to good farmland. But the new city was located in an area of the valley where agriculture was riskier and largely dependent on unpredictable rainfall. Why would people move to a place where they faced a high risk of crop failure, where they could have been taxed more highly, and where, if governance were coercive, they had little voice? Such a scenario seems improbable, and it is far more likely that people moved to Monte Albán to take advantage of economic opportunities, a parallel to most migrants in the world today.

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Linda M. Nicholas is an adjunct curator of anthropology at the Negaunee Integrative Research Center at the Field Museum of Natural History in Chicago, Illinois. Gary M. Feinman is the MacArthur curator of Mesoamerican, Central American, and East Asian anthropology, also at the Negaunee Integrative Research Center.

This article was produced by Human Bridges, a project of the Independent Media Institute.

Enormous Lost Ancient Metropolis Discovered in the Amazonian Jungle

The Enigmatic Amazonian Metropolis: A Pioneering Archaeological Discovery

In a revelation that has sent shockwaves through the realm of archaeology and rewritten the history books, a colossal ancient city has been unearthed in the heart of the Amazon rainforest. Concealed beneath millennia of luxuriant vegetation, this awe-inspiring discovery challenges our preconceived notions of the Amazon's historical inhabitants, painting a vivid picture of a once-thriving urban society that flourished in the depths of the jungle.

Nestled in the Upano region of eastern Ecuador, this sprawling cityscape has astounded researchers with its intricate network of roads and canals, connecting a complex web of houses and plazas. The mere existence of such a city challenges earlier beliefs that the Amazon was only home to nomadic tribes or sparse, dispersed settlements.

Dating back an astonishing 2,500 years, this metropolis stood as a testament to human achievement for over a millennium. While pinpointing an exact population count remains challenging, estimations place it in the tens of thousands, if not the hundreds of thousands. Its construction was nothing short of remarkable, with 6,000 rectangular platforms, each measuring around 20 meters by 10 meters and towering 2-3 meters high. These platforms, grouped in clusters of three to six around central plazas, likely served as both residences and ceremonial sites. Notably, the Kilamope complex boasted a colossal platform measuring 140 meters by 40 meters, a true testament to the city's grandeur.

The innovative use of LiDAR technology allowed researchers to penetrate the thick Amazonian foliage, revealing the city's hidden secrets. Furthermore, a sophisticated network of straight roads and pathways, spanning an astonishing 25 kilometers, showcased the city's advanced urban planning. The precision of these roads, replete with right angles, hints at their significance, possibly tied to ceremonial or cultural practices.

Roads, paths and canals were found connecting the platforms suggesting a large area was occupied / Photo: Stephen Rostain, BBC

But this metropolis was not without its challenges. Signs of threats to the city were discovered, including ditches that blocked entrances to the settlements, suggesting potential conflicts with neighboring groups. The intricacy of the city's water management system, including canals alongside causeways, highlights their ability to harness the region's abundant water resources.

This groundbreaking discovery not only reshapes our understanding of Amazonian civilizations but also draws intriguing parallels to well-known societies like the Maya of Mexico and Central America. The city's unique architectural features, such as octagonal and rectangular platforms, differentiate it from its counterparts in other parts of the Americas, emphasizing its distinct cultural identity.

Despite the rich tapestry of this ancient city, mysteries about its inhabitants remain. Pits, hearths, jars, grinding stones, and burnt seeds unearthed at the sites suggest a strong focus on agriculture, with maize, sweet potatoes, and "chicha," a type of sweet beer, likely comprising their diet.

The journey to uncovering this lost city was fraught with skepticism, as prevailing wisdom posited that no ancient civilizations had thrived within the Amazon. Nevertheless, the relentless pursuit of knowledge by dedicated researchers has shattered these misconceptions and ushered in a new era of understanding.

As we marvel at the ancient Amazonian metropolis that defied the ravages of time and nature, the next frontier beckons—an adjoining 300 square kilometers yet to be surveyed. What further revelations lie hidden beneath the Amazon's verdant canopy, waiting to rewrite the annals of history? Only time and relentless exploration will reveal the answers to these captivating questions.

In closing, this monumental discovery forces us to reconsider our preconceived notions of the Amazon, reminding us that beneath the thick foliage lies an untold history waiting to be revealed—a testament to the indomitable human spirit's ability to thrive in even the most challenging of environments.

Stephen Rostain, BBC

The Mysterious Archaeological Site of Cochasquí: A Window into Pre-Columbian Andean Culture

Nestled within the northern highlands of Ecuador, the Cochasquí Archaeological Park stands as a testament to the advanced civilizations that once flourished in the Andes long before the Incan empire's prominence. The park, spread across 84 hectares, is a monumental complex comprising 15 truncated pyramids and 21 burial mounds known as tolas. These structures collectively narrate a tale of the sophisticated social and cultural practices of the Caranqui people, who thrived in this region over seven centuries leading up to the 16th century.

Perched at an altitude of 3100 meters, close to the equator, Cochasquí offers an unparalleled 280-degree view encompassing a scenic vista of snow-capped mountains and volcanoes. This breathtaking vantage point not only served as a backdrop for the Caranqui's architectural achievements but also as a pivotal astronomical observatory from which they could monitor celestial events with precision.

The site, less than an hour's drive north of Quito, encapsulates a blend of cultural and natural history within its museums, which feature an array of archaeological and ethnographic collections, botanical gardens, and a compilation of indigenous musical instruments. The importance of Cochasquí cannot be overstated; it is one of Ecuador's most respected archaeological resources. Pioneering investigations by notable archaeologists such as Jacinto Jijón y Caamaño in the early 20th century, Max Uhle in 1932, and Udo Oberem in the mid-1960s have focused on its earthen pyramids, which soar to heights of around 20 meters, dominating the landscape and serving as silent sentinels to a bygone era.

In summary, Cochasquí is more than just an archaeological park; it is a cultural beacon that shines a light on the ingenuity and the astronomical wisdom of the pre-Columbian Andean civilizations. As modern-day explorers traverse its grounds, the echoes of the past continue to resonate, offering insights into the sophisticated knowledge systems and the cosmological significance that these monumental structures held for the people who built them.

Forgotten South American Civilizations Before the Inca

Long before the Spanish Conquistadors embarked on their quest for the fabled riches of the Inca Empire in Peru, South America was a tapestry of civilizations that left behind a legacy of incredible cities, artistry, and enigmatic artifacts. Despite their profound contributions to the region's history, these ancient cultures often remain in the shadow of the Inca. In this article, we delve into the remarkable stories of five South American civilizations—the Chavin, Nazca, Moche, Tiwanaku, and Huari—whose legacies endure through the lens of archaeology and the echoes of myth.

1. The Enigmatic Chavin Civilization:

Around 1000 BCE, the Chavin civilization emerged in what is now Peru. Named after the archaeological site Chavín de Huántar, this culture remains shrouded in mystery. Little is known about their origin or political structure, as there is no evidence of a standing army or identifiable rulers. Central to their beliefs was the Lanzon, a spear-shaped deity, yet the intricacies of their religious practices are lost to time. Skilled artists and craftsmen, the Chavin created stunning pottery, textiles, and metalwork, which played a pivotal role in disseminating their cultural influence across the region. Around 200 BCE, the Chavin civilization began to wane, leaving behind its artistic legacy to shape the civilizations that followed.

2. The Nazca Lines: A Monumental Mystery

The Nazca civilization, which thrived around 200 BCE, left an indelible mark on the arid landscape of southern Peru. Known for the enigmatic Nazca Lines—massive geoglyphs etched into the desert floor—the Nazca are believed to have used these lines in their rituals and the distribution of water, a precious resource in their harsh environment. Dismissing extraterrestrial theories, researchers have determined that the Nazca created these intricate designs using simple tools and measurements. Their society comprised chiefdoms with a central religious power, notably at Cahuachi, where water management was of utmost importance. Human sacrifice and ancestor worship were central to their culture, as evidenced by trophy heads and intricate pottery. However, the Nazca civilization met its demise due to catastrophic El Niño weather events around 500 CE.

3. The Magnificent Moche Culture:

Contemporary with the Nazca, the Moche civilization occupied the northern coast of Peru, establishing themselves as a formidable power. At the heart of their civilization was the Huaca de La Luna, dedicated to the god of the mountains, Aiapaec. The Moche were known for their ritualistic practices, including human sacrifice and elaborate pottery that depicted real people in striking detail. Their architectural prowess, utilizing adobe, is exemplified by the monumental Huaca del Sol, although much of it was eroded during the Spanish conquest in search of gold. The fall of the Moche civilization can be attributed to the same El Niño events that affected the Nazca, leading to resource scarcity and internal conflicts.

4. The Prosperous Tiwanaku Culture:

Around Lake Titikaka, the Tiwanaku culture thrived from 550 CE to 950 CE, encompassing parts of Peru, Bolivia, and Chile. Renowned for their agricultural innovations and sophisticated architecture, the Tiwanaku people constructed monumental stonework, open ceremonial spaces, and intricate reliefs. Their civilization's deity, shared by several cultures, contributed to their lasting influence. An intriguing aspect of Tiwanaku culture was the diverse skull modification practices across their empire, reflecting regional or ethnic identities. Prolonged droughts around 1000 CE led to their agricultural systems' collapse, but their legacy persisted as the Inca adopted many of their achievements.

5. The Huari (Wari), Masters of Textiles and Empire:

The Huari culture, flourishing alongside the Tiwanaku, controlled extensive territories along the Peruvian coast and highlands. They imposed a centralized government, complete with a tax collection system and an intricate road network connecting regional cities to the capital, Huari. While their relationship with the Tiwanaku remains ambiguous, both cultures coexisted, refraining from large-scale warfare. Huari's artisans excelled in textiles, producing intricate tapestries with modern-like designs. The collapse of the Huari civilization can be attributed to droughts and internal conflicts. Smaller cultural groups absorbed their legacy into the Inca empire.

Before the Spanish Conquistadors' arrival in South America, a tapestry of civilizations thrived, each leaving behind a unique cultural footprint. From the enigmatic Chavin to the magnificent Moche and the prosperous Tiwanaku and Huari, these civilizations shaped the region's history, art, and architecture. Their stories, reconstructed through archaeology and myth, continue to captivate us, revealing the rich tapestry of South American history that lies beyond the shadow of the Inca Empire.

Temples and Celestial Tapestries: Chichen Itza’s Astronomical and Cultural Enigmas

In the verdant expanses of the Yucatán Peninsula, the stone colossi of Chichen Itza stand in testament to the boundless celestial and cultural pursuits of the ancient Maya civilization. Emanating from the massive structures and intricately carved stones is a mystique that transcends time, hinting at the cosmic tapestries woven by this once-vibrant civilization.

A Sacred Nexus of Time and Space

Nestled amidst the lush tropical forests, Chichen Itza, with its staggering El Castillo pyramid, sacred cenotes, and ethereal carvings, serves as a conduit between the terrestrial and the astronomical, reflecting the Maya’s profound understanding of cosmic cycles. The Kukulkan Pyramid, known for the serpentine "descent" of the god Kukulkan during the equinoxes, is an architectural and astronomical marvel that orchestrates light and shadow into a celestial dance.

The Maya: Stellar Navigators

The Maya were unrivaled stellar navigators and calendrical visionaries of their time. Their sophisticated understanding of the cosmos was intimately intertwined with their daily lives, religious practices, and societal organization. El Caracol, or the Observatory, with its peculiar round shape and strategically placed windows, exemplifies their intricate knowledge of Venus’s cycles and other celestial phenomena, aligning perfectly with the planet's appearances and disappearances on the horizon.

Reflections of Belief in Stone

Chichen Itza isn't merely a reflection of scientific acumen but also a stone tapestry of the spiritual and cultural values of the Maya. The Platform of Skulls, Tzompantli, paints a grisly picture of the civilization’s rituals, revealing aspects of their beliefs in life, death, and the afterlife. Similarly, the Great Ball Court echoes the symbolic resonance of the epic ball games that were far more than a sport, serving as a metaphor for the celestial battles that ruled the heavens.

A Metropolis of Power and Decline

As an epicenter of political power and spiritual pilgrimage, Chichen Itza thrived, weaving together the myriad city-states of the Maya under a common cosmological and cultural umbrella. Yet, as with all civilizations, it was not immune to decline. The reasons, lost amidst the vines and stones, may be a mosaic of resource depletion, internal strife, and climate variability. The ruins stand as silent witnesses to their rise and fall, holding tales of power, conquest, and surrender within their weathered walls.

A Continual Unraveling

Despite centuries of study, Chichen Itza retains its mystical shroud, prompting scholars and explorers to continually seek answers from its astronomical alignments, architectural marvels, and storied stones. As we walk amidst its ruins, we engage in a dialogue with our ancestors, seeking to understand their worldview, which seamlessly entwined the spiritual with the scientific.

The temples and celestial tapestries of Chichen Itza are far more than mere stone structures; they are chronicles of a civilization that looked to the stars to guide their terrestrial journey, a philosophy that melded the divine with the daily, and a culture that, even in its decline, left an indelible mark upon the canvas of human history.

In exploring and preserving Chichen Itza, we do not merely uncover the secrets of the past; we ensure that the celestial songs of the Maya continue to echo through the corridors of time, whispering ancient wisdom to generations yet unborn.

Exploring The Nazca Lines & Searching For Atlantis: The Lost City

Unlocking the Enigma of Peru's Nazca Lines: A 2,000-Year-Old Mystery

Nestled within the arid Peruvian coastal plain, approximately 250 miles south of Lima, lies a remarkable testament to ancient creativity and ingenuity—the Nazca Lines. These colossal geoglyphs, etched into the Earth's surface over 2,000 years ago, continue to captivate the imagination of researchers, historians, and adventurers alike. Despite more than 80 years of study, these enigmatic designs, consisting of straight lines, geometric shapes, and representations of various animals and plants, continue to baffle experts.

What are the Nazca lines?

The Nazca Lines can be broadly categorized into three distinct types: straight lines, geometric designs, and pictorial representations. The coastal plain boasts over 800 straight lines, some stretching up to an astonishing 30 miles in length. Among the geometric designs are triangles, rectangles, trapezoids, spirals, arrows, zig-zags, and wavy lines, showcasing the Nazca people's geometric prowess.

However, it's the pictorial representations that truly astound. More than 70 animals and plants have been meticulously etched into the ground, some spanning an incredible 1,200 feet in length. These include a spider, hummingbird, cactus plant, monkey, whale, llama, duck, flower, tree, lizard, and dog. Moreover, researchers have unearthed other intriguing forms, such as a humanoid figure affectionately known as "The Astronaut," as well as hands and several unidentifiable depictions.

Recent discoveries have only deepened the mystery. In 2011, a Japanese team uncovered a new geoglyph resembling a scene of decapitation, shrouded in smaller dimensions and harder to spot from aerial views. Notably, the Nazca people were known to collect "trophy heads," and research in 2009 revealed these trophies were often from the same populations as the individuals they were buried with, not outsiders.

Intriguingly, in 2016, the same team stumbled upon a 98-foot-long mythical creature with multiple legs and spotted markings, gleefully sticking out its tongue. This finding further underscores the cultural richness of the Nazca civilization. And in 2018, Peruvian archaeologists employed drone technology to uncover more than 50 previously unknown geoglyphs, providing unprecedented insights into the ancient Nazca culture.

How the Nazca Lines Were Created

Scholars posit that the Nazca culture, which emerged around 100 B.C. and thrived from A.D. 1 to 700, is primarily responsible for these magnificent creations. However, it's likely that the Chavin and Paracas cultures, predating the Nazca, may have contributed to some of the geoglyphs. The Nazca Lines occupy the desert plains of the Rio Grande de Nasca river basin, an archaeological site spanning over 75,000 hectares and renowned as one of the world's driest regions.

The desert floor is blanketed in a layer of iron oxide-coated pebbles, casting a deep rust-colored hue. To craft these designs, the ancient Nazca people meticulously removed the top 12 to 15 inches of rock, revealing the lighter-colored sand beneath. They likely began with small-scale models, carefully scaling up their proportions to create the grandiose designs that we marvel at today.

Interestingly, most known geoglyphs were formed by meticulously removing rocks from the borders of the figures, outlining their forms. Some, however, were created by removing rocks from within the designs. The Nazca Lines have endured remarkably well over time, largely untouched by rain, wind, or erosion.

Nazca Lines and Aliens?

The intrigue surrounding the Nazca Lines has, at times, been accompanied by speculations of extraterrestrial involvement. While the lines initially gained systematic study from Peruvian archaeologist Toribio Mejia Xesspe in 1926, they garnered international attention when pilots flew over them in the 1930s. This prompted a flurry of hypotheses regarding their purpose.

In the late 1930s and early 1940s, American historian Paul Kosok, studying the geoglyphs both from the ground and the air, proposed that they held an astronomical significance, particularly in relation to the winter solstice. Around the same time, German archaeologist María Reiche also suggested an astronomical and calendrical purpose for the designs, going so far as to equate some animal geoglyphs with constellations.

Nonetheless, the 1960s and 1970s witnessed a shift in perspective, with researchers like American astronomer Gerald Hawkins challenging the astronomical explanations. Claims of extraterrestrial involvement or ancient astronauts have also been debunked over the years, leading experts to reconsider other plausible purposes.

Purpose of the Nazca Lines

Recent research has unveiled compelling evidence suggesting that the Nazca Lines were linked to the quest for water—a precious resource in the parched Peruvian coastal plain. While they weren't designed as an irrigation system or a guide to water sources, they are believed to have played a central role in rain-inducing rituals meant to appease the gods. Some scholars point to the animal representations as symbols for rain, water, or fertility, noting their presence in other ancient Peruvian sites and on pottery.

This theory posits that the Nazca people viewed these geoglyphs as offerings to the heavens, beseeching for much-needed rain in their drought-prone region. In 2015, researchers attending the 80th annual meeting of the Society for American Archeology put forth an intriguing idea: the purpose of the Nazca Lines evolved over time. Initially, pilgrims traveling to Peruvian temple complexes used the geoglyphs as sacred processional routes. In later periods, as part of religious rites, groups would shatter ceramic pots at the intersection points of these lines.

Conservation Issues

Unlike many historical relics around the world, the Nazca Lines have been relatively sheltered from unintentional destruction, thanks to their remote location. Nevertheless, they are not immune to modern threats. In 2009, the Nazca Lines experienced their first recorded instance of rain damage when heavy downpours from the Pan-American Highway deposited sand and clay onto a section of the geoglyphs. Subsequently, in 2014, environmental group Greenpeace damaged an area near the hummingbird geoglyph during a misguided media stunt aimed at promoting renewable energy.

Their actions disturbed the upper layer of rocks surrounding the hummingbird. In 2018, another incident brought attention to the need for enhanced security and surveillance. A commercial truck driver drove onto a portion of the Nazca Lines, leaving deep scars in an area roughly 100 feet by 330 feet. This act of recklessness underscored the urgent necessity of safeguarding these ancient marvels for future generations.

The Nazca Lines continue to mystify and fascinate, serving as a testament to the ancient Nazca culture's ingenuity. While their exact purpose may remain elusive, ongoing research and discoveries offer new glimpses into the lives, beliefs, and practices of this remarkable civilization. To ensure the preservation of these ancient wonders, it is imperative that measures be taken to protect them from the unintended consequences of modern activities, thereby ensuring that the mystery of the Nazca Lines endures for generations to come.

The History of Peru Explained in 10 Minutes

Tracing the Storied Historical Journey of Peru

Peru, a South American gem with a population of 33 million, is steeped in a history that dates back several millennia. This country shares borders with Ecuador, Colombia, Brazil, Bolivia, and Chile and is home to the oldest known city in the Americas, Huaricanga.

At the dawn of history, Peru was a cradle of civilization. The Norte Chico civilization, noted for its development of cities and monuments without the benefit of pottery, thrived here. Unfortunately, the advancement in irrigation technologies might have precipitated their downfall. The innovative Kotosh period saw the inception of pottery for the first time as smaller settlements burgeoned into larger metropolises during the Chavin culture. This era was characterized by advances in metallurgy and agricultural technology, with the cultivation of potatoes, quinoa, and corn leading to a population explosion.

Remarkably, three centers of power—Lima, Moche, and Nazca—emerged to challenge the status quo. The city-state of Wari dominated the Peruvian coast, while Tiwanaku united the estranged city-states of the highland lakes. However, both empires declined swiftly around the year 1000.

Then came the era of the Inca. The city-state of Cuzco, founded by the Inca people, gradually expanded its territory while the city prospered. The Chanka, a neighboring tribe challenging Cuzco, was decisively defeated by Pachacuti, who subsequently ascended as the ninth Sapa Inca. His rule triggered a series of conquests transforming the kingdom into an empire, a vision diligently pursued by his successors, Túpac and Wayna Qhapaq.

The prosperous Inca empire was, however, battered by a strange disease brought by the Spanish conquistadors. The efficient Inca road system facilitated the rapid spread of diseases like smallpox, measles, typhus, influenza, and diphtheria. This biological blow was followed by the Ginástera civil war, lasting three years and further crippling the empire. The Spanish invader, Francisco Pizarro González, was the final nail in the coffin of the Inca empire.

The Spanish, thereafter, assumed control over the vast Inca territories. Despite a hefty ransom – a room full of gold and silver – paid in exchange for Atahualpa, the last Inca emperor, he was ruthlessly executed by Pizarro. The conquest took nearly forty years but once complete, it brought devastating consequences, with an estimated 95% of the Inca population perishing within a decade and a half due to armed conflicts and diseases. In their stead, the Spaniards established the Viceroyalty of Peru in 1542, with its capital in Lima. The discovery of silver in the mountain of Potosí was a financial boon for the Spanish Empire, as the city contributed over 60% of the world's silver production for over a century.

The history of Peru includes periods of rapid urban growth, rebellions, independence movements, wars, and internal conflicts. Following the decline of silver production, Peru’s prosperity dwindled. It was only after a war of independence, and a short-lived united state with Bolivia, that Peru emerged as an independent entity. Peru was embroiled in several wars and border conflicts during the 19th and 20th centuries and was even governed by a military junta during the Cold War era.

In recent years, however, Peru has seen a marked reduction in conflict, an improved economy, and enhanced living standards. Stability has also allowed for the growth of archaeology, giving us a richer understanding of pre-Inca civilizations. Modern Peru is taking steps to acknowledge its storied past, as evidenced by the documentary 'Lord of Sipan', which vividly portrays life in the Moche civilization.

The evolution of Peru's history makes it a rich tapestry of human civilization, and the country's journey from ancient states to vibrant modernity is a testament to the resilience of the Peruvian people. From the forward-thinking Norte Chico to the powerful Inca, and through the colonial Spanish era to its present independent status, the historical journey of Peru continues to captivate us all.

Machu Picchu: The Enigmas of the Inca Citadel

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BY THE ARCHAEOLOGIST EDITOR GROUP

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As incredible as it may be, not all of the mysteries surrounding the Inca citadel of Machu Picchu in Peru have been solved. Experts are still baffled by the site's purpose, construction, and seemingly abrupt abandonment, despite years of research and investigation.

For example, historians disagree as to whether or not it was meant to be a royal estate, while others believe it was a place of worship. Its perch high in the Andes Mountains makes it sound like the perfect place to relax, but the intricate design and elaborate water system suggest that it also played a significant role in the Inca Empire. Without any kind of written record and with only a few decades of occupation, the true nature of Machu Picchu's function remains a mystery.

The complex water system that kept the site alive is another mystery. The Incas built a complex system of fountains and channels to ensure a reliable supply of water despite the city's perilous mountaintop location, though no one knows where the water came from. There is speculation among experts as to whether or not the water was used for irrigation or whether or not it served a religious or spiritual purpose.

The walls of Machu Picchu are built of massive, precisely cut stones, many of which weigh multiple tons, and are held together without the use of mortar or cement, which continues to be a wonder and a testament to the Incas' engineering prowess. It is unknown how these massive stones were moved from the quarry to the construction site and then set into place. Ropes, rollers, and ramps have been proposed as possible tools, but the precise techniques have yet to be determined.

The complex system of terraces that surrounds Machu Picchu also remains a mystery to this day. Some have theorized that the terraces were used to grow crops on scarce arable land, while others have suggested that they were built to make a community independent of outside resources. Extensive investigation has not yet revealed the true function of these terraces.

Finally, the reason behind Machu Picchu's mysterious abandonment is still a mystery that intrigues people everywhere. A few decades of use followed by abandonment have left many to wonder what happened at the site. Others speculate that a natural disaster, like an earthquake or landslide, may have been the final straw that finally drove the Incas from their homeland. Yet, the reason for Machu Picchu's abandonment is still a fascinating mystery.

In conclusion, the many unanswered questions surrounding Machu Picchu continue to fascinate experts, historians, and visitors alike. Machu Picchu's mysteries will never cease to amaze and captivate visitors of all backgrounds and interests, be they archaeologists, historians, or simply those looking for a unique travel experience.

The Great Houses and Cliff Dwellings of the Anasazi: A Window into a Lost Culture

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BY THE ARCHAEOLOGIST EDITOR GROUP

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The Anasazi people are among the most mysterious and fascinating of North America's ancient cultures. The Navajo word for "Ancient Ones" (Anasazi) refers to a group of people who were around between 200 B.C. and 1300 A.D. and who are thought to have inhabited the American Southwest. The cliff dwellings, pueblos, and kivas of their civilization are among the most remarkable examples of human construction ever. Nevertheless, the Anasazi people and their culture continue to be shrouded in mystery, despite their many achievements.

What happened to the Anasazi?

The mysterious demise of the Anasazi people is one of the most fascinating aspects of their culture. The Anasazi vanished without a trace, despite having a sophisticated culture. Nobody knows for sure what happened to them, but there are lots of theories.

Environmental changes, it is hypothesized, necessitated their departure. The Anasazi people experienced regular droughts and other natural disasters because of where they lived. They may have been compelled to leave their homes and move to new locations in search of supplies.

There's also the possibility that warfare or disease wiped them out. The Anasazi may have been attacked by neighboring tribes because they lived in an area with many others. It's possible that the arrival of European diseases contributed to their demise as well.

photo by Paolo Rosa, flickr

Anasazi ruins

Mesa Verde National Park

Colorado

Where is the Anasazi tribe located?

The Anasazi left many traces of their culture, even though their disappearance is shrouded in mystery. One of the most enduring traces of their culture are the magnificent buildings they left behind. They used natural materials like adobe, stone, and wood to carve their homes into the sides of cliffs. Many of their buildings are still standing, giving modern observers a glimpse into the Anasazi culture.

The Cliff Palace in Colorado's Mesa Verde National Park is widely regarded as the finest surviving example of Anasazi architecture. One of the largest cliff dwellings in North America, this complex is built into the side of a cliff. There are more than 150 rooms there, and historians estimate that it once housed 100 people. The Cliff Palace is a remarkable example of Anasazi engineering and construction sophistication.

Did the Anasazi sacrifice humans?

The Anasazi people's religious beliefs are also very significant. Kivas, or circular underground rooms, were commonly used for religious ceremonies by the Anasazi. A ladder was usually required to enter these structures because they were constructed below ground. Kivas served as places for worship, gatherings, and even temporary storage.

Archaeologists Christy and Jacqueline Turner have examined many Anasazi skeletal remains. They discovered that nearly 300 individuals had been victims of cannibalism. The Turners found that the bones had butcher cuts and showed evidence of being cooked in a pot.

source: Wallpaper flare

Anasazi native rock art

Similarly sophisticated was the Anasazi society. They organized themselves into small communities, each of which had its own chief or headman. The Anasazi were well known for their elaborately decorated pottery, which was frequently used in ritual contexts. Turquoise, pottery, and shells were just some of the items they traded with neighboring communities via a sophisticated network of intermediaries.

There are many unanswered questions about Anasazi culture, despite the many hints they left behind. The function of their structures remains a mystery. The cliff dwellings are just one example of the many buildings that were constructed in inaccessible areas. No one seems to know why they settled there or what their structures were for.

What language did the Anasazi speak?

The Anasazi are the ancestors of the modern Pueblo peoples, such as the Hopi, Zuni, Taos, Acoma, and others. Given this lineage, it is believed that the Ancient Puebloans spoke languages that are ancestral to the modern Tanoan and Keresan languages, among others. However, it's important to note that precise identification of the specific languages they spoke is challenging due to the lack of written records from the Anasazi period.

Today, the modern Pueblo tribes speak various languages, but these languages provide the best clues we have as to what the Anasazi might have spoken.

photo by travis, flickr

Anasazi Sandals

These are some old shoes. If they are in fact Anasazi shoes, they could be upwards of 3,000 years old. The fiber used might be from the yucca plant. It's weird to see the large strips used when the middle shows some finer work. Compare these to the sandals from the site in New Mexico known as Aztec. Those seem to have the fiber size that is in between these two.

Are the Anasazi related to the Aztecs?

Archeologists say the Anasazi are the trunk of the family trees of most Indian tribes now living on the two continents, including the Aztecs of Mexico, the Eskimos of Alaska, and the Seminoles of Florida.

The Anasazi (Ancient Puebloans) and the Aztecs are two distinct cultural and ethnic groups with different origins, languages, and histories. They lived in different regions and during different time periods.

However, there is a reason some might wonder about a connection. The name "Anasazi" is derived from a Navajo word that means "ancient enemies" or "enemy ancestors." The Navajo language, Diné bizaad, is from the Na-Dené language family, which is entirely different from the Uto-Aztecan family that Nahuatl belongs to. But "Aztec" sounds somewhat like "Anasazi," which can cause some confusion, even though they're unrelated terms from unrelated languages.

Their rock art and what it means are another mystery. The Anasazi left behind many intricate rock carvings and paintings, the meaning of which is largely a mystery. Researchers are split on whether or not they had any meaning beyond their aesthetic value; some think they may have had religious or symbolic significance.

In conclusion, the Anasazi people and their culture are intriguing and mysterious. It is unclear what their daily lives were like, despite their fascinating architecture and religious practices. The mysterious circumstances of their disappearance add to the allure of Anasazi culture.

references

• Ancestral Puebloans

• What Does “Anasazi” Mean, and Why Is It Controversial?

• Riddles of the Anasazi, by David Roberts

• Anasazi Tribe: Overview, Religion & Culture

• Anasazi Indian Tribe: History, Facts & Culture

• Anasazi, By Winston Hurst

• Climate Change and Violence in the Ancient American Southwest

The First European Map of Tenochtitlan, 1524: Bridging Two Worlds

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BY THE ARCHAEOLOGIST EDITOR GROUP

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Throughout the annals of history, maps have always played a critical role in revealing the mysteries of the world to mankind. In this context, the first European map of Tenochtitlan, the capital of the Aztec Empire, holds a significant position. This map, drawn in 1524, is a milestone not only in the history of cartography but also in the confluence of two contrasting civilizations: the indigenous peoples of Mesoamerica and the European explorers.

The Fall of Tenochtitlan

In 1521, Hernán Cortés, leading the Spanish conquistadors, succeeded in overthrowing the last emperor of the Aztecs, Cuauhtémoc, marking the fall of the mighty Aztec empire. Tenochtitlan, the empire's sprawling capital located on an island in Lake Texcoco in present-day Mexico City, was virtually decimated. Despite the destruction, the city's elaborate system of canals, temples, causeways, and marketplaces captivated the Spaniards.

The Conquest of Tenochtitlan Painting, 16th century

Crafting the Map

With a desire to document this unique city and its intricate urban layout, a map was commissioned. It was to be a testimony to the magnificence of the fallen city and serve as a valuable resource for the new rulers. The task fell upon an indigenous group of artists and scribes who had formerly worked for the Aztec elites. They were fluent in both the indigenous Nahuatl language and Spanish and skilled in the European and Mesoamerican cartographic traditions.

The map they created was a blend of European and Aztec cartographic styles. On the one hand, it adhered to the European tradition of creating bird’s-eye view cityscapes. On the other hand, it incorporated indigenous symbols and color coding, similar to the pictorial manuscripts known as codices used by the Aztecs to record their history and religious beliefs.

Author Friedrich Peypus

Unveiling the Aztec Capital

The map of Tenochtitlan is a testament to the city's grandeur and the Aztecs' advanced urban planning. The city, divided into four zones, was depicted with its complex network of canals, which served as streets for their canoe traffic. Iconic landmarks like the Templo Mayor, the royal palace, and the bustling marketplace of Tlatelolco were illustrated with careful detail.

Moreover, the map revealed the city's relationship with its environment. Tenochtitlan was surrounded by Lake Texcoco and connected to the mainland by three causeways. These causeways and the aqueduct that brought fresh water from the mainland were carefully depicted.

Tenochtitlan: The Venice of the New World

Tenochtitlan was a large city-state located on an island in Lake Texcoco, in the Valley of Mexico. Founded in 1325, it rapidly grew to become the capital of the expansive Aztec Empire. At its peak, the city had a population of between 200,000 and 250,000 people, making it one of the largest cities in the world at that time.

The city was designed around a ceremonial center, where important political and religious buildings were situated. The most prominent of these was the Templo Mayor, a large pyramid dedicated to the gods Huitzilopochtli and Tlaloc. Surrounding the ceremonial center were four main districts, or 'campan', which were divided into 20 precincts ('calpullis').

A sophisticated system of canals ran through the city, enabling transport by canoe. Large causeways connected Tenochtitlan to the mainland, which was a marvel of engineering at the time. The city was also notable for its public buildings and marketplaces. The largest marketplace was in the nearby city of Tlatelolco, which was eventually absorbed into Tenochtitlan.

Gary Todd from Xinzheng, China - Painting of Tenochtitlan-Tlatelolco on Lake Texcoco

The economy of Tenochtitlan was based on agriculture, trade, and tribute from conquered territories. The Aztecs employed a system of agriculture known as 'chinampas', or floating gardens, which were small, rectangular areas set upon the shallow lake bed. They grew various crops, most notably maize, beans, squash, and chili peppers.

Trade was carried out at a local, regional, and long-distance level, with goods from as far away as Central America and the American Southwest reaching Tenochtitlan. The city's grand marketplaces were filled with goods such as textiles, pottery, food, precious stones and metals, feathers, and other items.

Tenochtitlan was the center of Aztec civilization, which was rich in mythology and religious traditions. Society was stratified, with nobles, priests, warriors, traders, artisans, farmers, and slaves each having their place. The Aztecs had a complex system of education, with separate schools for the nobles (calmecac) and the commoners (telpochcalli).

The ruins of the Templo Mayor were rediscovered in the 20th century, and today they provide an important archaeological site in the heart of Mexico City. The rich history of Tenochtitlan continues to influence modern Mexican culture and is a potent symbol of the country's indigenous heritage.

• Model of the the Ancient Aztec City of Tenochtitlan, Zocalo Square, Plaza de la Constitucion, Mexico City:

Aftermath and Impact

The map was sent to Charles V, the Holy Roman Emperor, in 1524. The map provided Europe with its first visual representation of the New World's urban complexity, shifting perceptions about the so-called "primitive" societies of the Americas. It served as a tool for the Spanish administration to better understand and govern their newly acquired territory.

Yet this map was not merely a practical tool; it became an emblem of conquest, a symbol of European domination over the New World. By asserting European spatial understanding over an indigenous landscape, the map participated in a broader colonial project of control and appropriation.

Nevertheless, the enduring legacy of this map lies in its syncretic character. It serves as a tangible symbol of a moment of profound cultural encounter, blending European and Aztec conventions to create a document that both records and transcends its historical moment.

To this day, the 1524 map of Tenochtitlan continues to fascinate scholars and the general public alike. As a window into a lost world, it speaks volumes about the richness of Aztec civilization and the early days of intercultural contact in the New World.

Pyramid-filled Ancient Maya City Hidden in the Jungle was Found with LiDAR Technology

A lost Maya city was found by archaeologists in the southern Mexican jungle. According to a statement from the Mexico National Institute of Anthropology and History (INAH), the site is situated in the Balamkú natural reserve in the state of Campeche's central region.

Archaeologists believe that the location, which has a number of substantial pyramidal buildings, was a significant center in the area during the Classic period of the Maya civilization (about 250–1,000 A.D.).

Up until the time of Spanish colonization, the Maya civilization ruled over what is now southeast Mexico, Guatemala, Belize, and the western regions of El Salvador and Honduras for more than 3,000 years.

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They are known for their spectacular architecture and artwork, as well as their sophisticated calendar, mathematics, and astronomical system. They also devised the only fully developed writing system in pre-Columbian America.

Ivan Prajc's group of archaeologists made the most recent find at the "monumental" Maya site at Balamkú.

Because of the numerous cylindrical stone columns that are sprinkled all throughout the prehistoric settlement, the study team has given the location the name "Ocomtn," which means "stone column" in the Yucatec Maya language. The columns probably served as entrances to the upper rooms of the city's structures.

The site was found as a result of an INAH-approved research initiative that sought to learn more about a vast, mainly unexplored region in the state of Campeche that was essentially unknown to archaeologists.

Researchers employed LiDAR technology and aerial surveys to identify many pre-Hispanic structures as part of their research in this region.

LiDAR uses equipment mounted on aircraft that fires laser light pulses at the ground at a rate of hundreds of thousands per second. The information gathered is then utilized to produce intricate 3D maps that depict the topography of the area and any previously hidden features created by ancient humans.

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Archaeologists also carried out fieldwork, traveling nearly 40 miles through dense vegetation to get to the location.

According to Prajc, investigators discovered three plazas in the southeast corner of the site that were dominated by massive structures. There is a complex made up of different low, elongated buildings that are grouped practically in concentric circles between the two main plazas. A ball court that was used for pre-Hispanic ball activities was also found by researchers.

Archaeologists estimate the height of one pyramid, which is situated in the northern portion of the site, to be about 82 feet (25 meters), while others can reach heights of up to 50 feet (15 meters).

The site's location on a "peninsula" of high ground, encircled by vast wetlands, ended up being the biggest surprise. Its imposing core is more than 50 hectares in size and is home to a number of big buildings, including numerous 15-meter-tall pyramidal constructions.

Maybe throughout the classical era, the location operated as a significant regional center.

Architectural remains at the site suggest that the village experienced a fall during the Terminal Classic period (800–1,000 A.D.), a turbulent time for Maya civilization.

This data shows how ideologies and populations changed throughout times of crisis, which ultimately resulted in the breakdown of the intricate sociopolitical structure and a sharp fall in population in the Maya Central Lowlands by the 10th century.

El Dorado: In Pursuit of the Golden Dream

Welcome to our captivating documentary, "El Dorado: In Pursuit of the Golden Dream." This film takes you on a thrilling journey through time, charting the relentless quest for El Dorado, the legendary city of gold. Steeped in myth, intrigue, and the allure of untold wealth, El Dorado has captivated the imaginations of explorers, conquerors, and historians for centuries.

We dive deep into the origins of the El Dorado legend, tracing its roots back to the indigenous peoples of South America and their ceremonial traditions. We discuss the transformation of the term "El Dorado," initially referring to a golden king or chief, into a mythical city brimming with gold and precious stones.

Our journey will take you through the arduous explorations carried out by numerous adventurers in the unforgiving landscapes of South America. We explore the countless expeditions mounted in the pursuit of this elusive city and the significant toll these took on both the indigenous peoples and the explorers.

This documentary helps us understand the cultural, historical, and human impact of the El Dorado legend. We delve into the societal fascination with this city of gold, exploring its influence on literature, art, and popular culture.

"El Dorado: In Pursuit of the Golden Dream" is a documentary that explores not just the tantalizing promise of wealth and glory but also the human spirit of exploration and the relentless pursuit of dreams. Join us as we journey into the heart of one of history's most enduring legends. Don't forget to subscribe to our channel for more exciting and educational content.

417 ancient Maya cities are found by archaeologists in a lost realm, connected by kilometers of "superhighways"

417 prehistoric Maya cities are found by archaeologists buried in isolated forests, connected by miles of "superhighways," in a vanished universe. The "first motorway system in the world" is what scientists are referring to.

Researchers from a joint US-Guatemalan archaeological study revealed in an interview with The Washington Post that they had discovered 417 cities with an estimated 3,000-year history that were connected by 110 miles of "superhighways."

This finding is causing historians to reevaluate their understanding of the ancient Mayan civilization. According to the Post, the finding of a network of cities and highways, hydraulic systems, and agricultural infrastructure indicates that societies in Central America were more developed than previously thought.

These findings "reflect socio-economic organization and political power," the research claims.

The Mayans, who were formerly thought of as a nomadic, hunter-gatherer culture, lived in the pre-classic era, which dates back to 1,000 B.C., during which time the lost world first appeared.

According to Richard Hansen, the main author of the paper and adjunct research professor of archaeology at Idaho State University, this find from the El Mirador jungle region in southern Guatemala is a "game changer."

On the border between Mexico and Guatemala, the discovery was made in a remote tropical jungle. The Post claims that only a helicopter can make the challenging 40-mile journey through the dense rainforest, which is home to jaguars and snakes.

With some of the largest buildings ever built, the preclassic period was one of exceptional complexity and architectural expertise, according to Hansen.

According to him, the research has revealed "a vast volume of human history that we've never known."

Since 2015, the team has been mapping the regions of Central America using lidar technology, a crucial archaeological laser mapping technique, to show the smallest features, such as old vegetation. The team includes scientists from the US and Guatemala.

© 2008 Greg Willis

According to the study, it gave scientists access to views of ancient dams, reservoirs, pyramids, platforms, causeway networks, and even ball courts.

Enrique Hernández, an archaeologist at San Carlos University in Guatemala City and a co-author of the research, told the Post that if this project goes further, it might have the same historical impact as the Egyptian pyramids.

The Tomb of Pakal the Great: A Window into Mayan Culture and Beliefs

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BY THE ARCHAEOLOGIST EDITOR GROUP

Finding the tomb of Mayan king Pakal the Great in Palenque in 1952 was a major find for Mexican archaeologist Alberto Ruz Lhuillier. The elaborately decorated funerary artifacts discovered in the tomb shed light on the Mayans' worldview.

From about 2000 B.C.E. to 900 CE, the Mayan civilization thrived in what is now southern Mexico and Central America. The Mayans left behind many works of art and architecture, including pyramids, temples, and hieroglyphs, which account for a large portion of our understanding of their culture.

One of the most important finds in Mayan archaeology is Pakal the Great's tomb, also called the Temple of the Inscriptions. The pyramid-like Temple of the Inscriptions was constructed during Pakal's reign in the seventh century CE; the tomb was found underneath it. A carved stone sarcophagus, a stone mask, and various jade and shell objects were among the many burial artifacts discovered in the tomb.

What stands out most is the sarcophagus, which was hewn from a single block of stone. Intricate carvings adorn the structure and depict Pakal's descent into the underworld. The sculptures depict Pakal being whisked away on a divine chariot to the underworld through a series of gates and portals. A hieroglyphic inscription detailing Pakal's life and achievements is also found on the sarcophagus.

Stone mask placed over sarcophagus depicts Pakal's face and is also intricately carved. The jade and shell objects found near the sarcophagus may have played a role in rituals and ceremonies.

Important insights into Mayan religion and culture were uncovered upon the discovery of Pakal the Great's tomb. The Maya had a sophisticated belief system regarding the afterlife, as evidenced by the sarcophagus's carvings. Furthermore, the sarcophagus's hieroglyphic inscription is a rich source of data pertaining to Pakal and his reign.

Finding Pakal the Great's tomb was a major breakthrough for Mayan archaeology and for the study of ancient cultures more generally. It gives us a look into the worldview of a civilization that flourished more than a thousand years ago but still fascinates and inspires us today.

In recent years, the tomb's been restored and expanded to become a popular tourist destination in Palenque. World Heritage status was awarded to the Temple of the Inscriptions and the tomb of Pakal the Great by UNESCO in 1987. Since the Mayan civilization as a whole remains obscure to many, the finding of Pakal the Great's tomb is an important step forward in deciphering its history.

In conclusion, Alberto Ruz Lhuillier's 1952 discovery of the tomb of Mayan emperor Pakal the Great is an important find in archaeology. It is still read and studied today because of the insights it provides into Mayan religion and culture. The discovery of Pakal the Great's tomb is a reminder of the Mayans' lasting legacy and a testament to the wealth of cultural artifacts they left behind.

What happened when the Vikings met indigenous Americans?

"In this video, we explore the story of Leif Erikson and his journey to North America. As the son of the famous Norse explorer Erik the Red, Leif inherited a love of adventure and a desire to discover new lands. In the year 1000, he set out with a group of fellow Vikings on a journey that would lead them across the Atlantic and into the unknown.

10+1 Maya Pyramids Hidden in the Yucatan Tropical Rainforests

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By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

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A sizable portion of the Maya civilization was located in the Yucatan Peninsula, modern-day Guatemala, Belize, parts of the Mexican states of Tabasco and Chiapas, the western part of Honduras, and El Salvador. Today, a large number of pyramid temples and other structures, including stelae, aqueducts, and enormous paved roads, are scattered throughout the lush tropical jungle, concealed by a particular mystique.

Nowadays, Mesoamerica can be found in a variety of architectural styles. The Mayas never established a single empire and lived in autonomous city-states. As a result, different regions have different temple traits and construction techniques. But among the various Mayan towns spread throughout Mesoamerica, one can clearly see a major architectural impact from the various pre-Hispanic civilizations. The Maya erected the majority of their pyramids as temples to their gods. Some of them have sanctuaries on their summits where people perform important rituals and ceremonies.

MUNDO MAYA

Map of the most important Maya archaeological sites

The Maya culture, which dates back 5,000 years, is still visible in the ruins they left behind. The still-standing buildings serve as a tangible reminder of their affluent way of life. The intriguing history of the Mayan temples, stelae, and pottery artifacts draws tourists from all over the world. In addition to being excellent architects, the Maya were also exceptional astrologers, agronomists, and mathematicians. They also invented a remarkable writing system (Mayan hieroglyphs) as well as an astonishingly precise calendrical cycle.

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Main Maya Pyramids in Yucatan Peninsula

1. Tikal Pyramid Temples

One of the key Mayan sites, occupied from the 6th century B.C. to the 10th century A.D., is located in the middle of the jungle, surrounded by lush vegetation. The ceremonial center is home to magnificent temples, palaces, and ramp-accessible public areas. The surrounding area is littered with the remains of homes.

Numerous buildings, carved monuments, and other artifacts bearing witness to highly developed technical, intellectual, and artistic achievements have been found. These developments date from the first settlers' arrival (800 B.C.) to the last phases of historic occupation, which occurred around the year 900. Tikal has improved our knowledge of both a remarkable past civilization and more general cultural evolution. The Great Plaza, the Lost World Complex, and the Twin Pyramid Complexes, as well as ball courts and irrigation structures, are just a few notable locations that showcase the diversity and beauty of architectural and sculptural ensembles performing ceremonial, administrative, and residential roles.

Tikal archaeological site from above.

After decades of archeological excavation, only a small portion of the thousands of ancient structures at Tikal have been excavated. The six enormous pyramids designated Temples I through VI, each of which supports a temple complex on its summit, are the most notable remaining structures. Some of these pyramids reach heights of more than 60 meters (200 feet). During the initial site survey, they were numbered in order. Each of these significant temples may have been constructed in as little as two years, according to estimates.

There are several significant pyramid temples at Tikal. Here's some information about a few of the most prominent ones:

• Temple I: Also known as the Temple of the Great Jaguar, Temple I is a funerary pyramid dedicated to Jasaw Chan K'awiil, who was entombed in the structure in AD 734, the pyramid's construction having been completed for this event. This temple is approximately 47 meters high.

• Temple II: Known as the Temple of the Mask, it was built around AD 700 and stands 38 meters high. Temple II is located on the west side of the Great Plaza, opposite Temple I, and it's believed that it's dedicated to the wife of Jasaw Chan K'awiil.

• Temple III: The Temple of the Jaguar Priest, Temple III, stands 55 meters tall and was likely finished around AD 810. An elaborate roof comb once adorned this temple, though much of it has since collapsed.

• Temple IV: The tallest pyramid in Tikal and the second tallest Maya structure in existence, Temple IV, or the Temple of the Double-Headed Serpent, stands at a whopping 70 meters tall. It was built around AD 741 by the ruler Yik'in Chan K'awiil.

• Temple V: Temple V stands 57 meters high and was likely completed between AD 550 and 650. The identity of the person for whom it was built is currently unknown.

• Temple VI: Also known as the Temple of the Inscriptions, it contains a lengthy hieroglyphic text important to the study of Maya history and is about 12 meters high.

Each of these temples has its own unique architectural and historical features, and all of them contribute to our understanding of the ancient Maya civilization.

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2. El Mirador/La Danta

La Danta Pyramid

El Mirador is another significant ancient Maya archaeological site located in the northern Petén region of Guatemala, like Tikal. It's particularly well-known for its large structures, including the massive La Danta complex.

La Danta is one of the world's largest pyramids by volume, although it doesn't reach the heights of the Egyptian pyramids. La Danta measures approximately 72 meters (236 feet) high. However, because it's built on a platform that's already elevated, its top is some 230 meters (754 feet) above the level of the plaza.

The base of the La Danta complex covers over 2.1 hectares (5.2 acres). When considering the total volume of the complex, including the underlying and adjacent platforms, it's one of the most massive ancient structures in the world. Some estimates put its total volume at over 2.8 million cubic meters.

Los monos complex

The structure of La Danta is made of cut stone, covered in stucco, and its platforms are supported by retaining walls of rock fill. The pyramid is part of a sprawling complex with multiple plazas, terraces, and smaller buildings. It's a typical example of the triadic style, popular in the Preclassic Maya period, which features a central structure flanked by two smaller inward-facing buildings, all mounted upon a single basal platform.

El Mirador flourished during the Late Preclassic period (around 300 BC to AD 100) and was one of the largest cities of ancient Maya civilization during this time. Although it had largely fallen into obscurity by the time of the Classic period (AD 250–900), when Tikal rose to prominence, it was a significant hub of culture, commerce, and local politics.

The site was rediscovered in 1926 and named El Mirador (The Lookout) because of its high altitude relative to the surrounding terrain. It's been the focus of extensive archaeological investigation, and efforts have been made to make the site more accessible for tourism. However, its remote jungle location makes access challenging, and it remains less well-known and less visited than some other Maya sites.

 

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3. calakmul

Calakmul is another significant Maya archaeological site, located in the Mexican state of Campeche, deep in the jungles of the greater Petén Basin region. It is situated within the Calakmul Biosphere Reserve, close to the Guatemalan border. Calakmul was one of the largest and most powerful ancient cities in Maya history.

Structure II

Discovered under a late-period temple are some of the most stunning murals ever seen in the Maya world. There are at least eight Sacbe (white stone roads) that have been identified in the archeological zone.

The city was first established around 500 BC and reached its peak during the Classic Period of the Maya civilization, from AD 250 to 900. At its height, Calakmul is believed to have had a population of over 50,000 people, and its influence would have extended to many smaller nearby communities.

Calakmul was established atop a small natural plateau surrounded by a savannah, deep within the Calakmul Biosphere Reserve, and about 22 miles (35 kilometers) from the Guatemalan border. A system of canals and aguades supplied water. With a population of about 50,000 and over a million people under its political influence, it was one of the biggest and most powerful city-states in the Maya world.

Unlike many other Maya cities, Calakmul was never completely abandoned. While its political power waned at the end of the Classic period, it remained a place of activity and habitation up until the time of the Spanish conquest.

Here are a few key points about Calakmul:

Architecture and Layout

Calakmul is known for its great plaza and over 6,750 ancient structures, the largest of which is the great pyramid at the site, Structure 2. This pyramid is over 45 meters (148 feet) high, making it one of the tallest of the Maya pyramids. There are two tombs inside the pyramid with murals that are of great significance to Maya archaeologists.

The city is divided into roughly two halves by a series of reservoirs. The northern half appears to be the older part of the city, while the southern half, built later, is more grid-like in its layout.

Stelae and Monuments

Calakmul was a significant center of power, as evidenced by the large number of stelae found at the site. Stelae are large stone slabs, often carved with images and text. Calakmul has over 120 of these stelae, many of which portray the city's rulers and record their accomplishments.

The city of Calakmul is made up of a number of plaza groups centered on the Central/Grand Plaza and aligned with the four cardinal directions. These buildings are part of the Central Plaza Group: II, IV, V, VI, and VII. The enormous pyramid or temple known as Structure II at Calakmul is unquestionably the site's most magnificent building. It is located on the plaza's south side. It took many centuries and multiple expansions for this tower to reach its final height of about 150 feet (50 meters), making it the tallest and largest building in the Maya civilization. The diameter of its base is more than 400 feet (130 meters).

Structure VI, Structure VII, and Structure IV are all situated on the plaza's west, north, and east sides, respectively. The "E Group" is made up of structures IV and VI, which are assumed to have served as astronomical markers for the equinoxes and solstices.

Temple I

Structure Is a solitary structure that is situated south of the Central/Great Plaza. At a height of 130 feet, it is the second-highest pyramid in the area (40 meters). The pyramid is supported on a platform that extends 328 feet (100 meters) on each side.

The ball court lies to the north of Structure XIII. It is a 26-foot-tall, four-story, pyramid-shaped platform (8 meters). The platform foundation is 141 feet (43 meters). A two-story building is located atop the pyramid's peak and is reached by a central stairway. The edifice was built in the eighth century, according to a number of stelae that are present here.

The site of Calakmul was rediscovered in 1931, and archaeological work has been ongoing since the 1980s. In 2002, it was declared a UNESCO World Heritage Site, both for its cultural significance and because of its location within the protected Calakmul Biosphere Reserve.

Visiting Calakmul today involves a fairly lengthy trip into the jungle, but visitors are rewarded with impressive ruins and the rich biodiversity of the surrounding reserve.

 

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4. Dzibanche - Kinichná

Kinichna acropolis

North of the Kohunlich ruins is a significant archaeological area called Dzibanche. The name, which in Yucatec Maya means "writing on wood," was given to a wooden support lintel covered in glyphs that was discovered in one of the temples. The site spans 7.7 square miles (20 square kilometers) in size, although the central region is significantly smaller and more accessible. 40 000 people are thought to have lived there at its peak population.

The site was occupied from around 200 BC to AD 900, flourishing during the Late Classic period (600–900 AD).

Xibalba plaza with temple of the owl (right) and temple of the cormorants (left).

The site features several plazas and a number of large temple pyramids. The most impressive among these is the Temple of the Captives, which gets its name from the various carved figures found in the temple that appear to be bound captives. Another significant structure is the Temple of the Lintels, which is named for its above-mentioned inscribed wooden lintels, an unusual feature in Maya architecture.

The site is home to four major groups that are dispersed over a vast area. Dzibanche, Kinichna, Tutil, and Lamay are the names of the groups. The Lamay Group can be viewed on the left side of the road on the approach to Dzibanche, although only Dzibanche and Kinichna are accessible to the general public. Causeways made of elevated white stone known as sacbeob connect these groups. The most significant municipal and ceremonial buildings at the site are found in Dzibanche.

The main building, known as the Temple of the Cormorants, is situated on the east side. Its Teotihuacan talud-tablero architecture makes it the tallest pyramid at the location. This edifice has several friezes attached to it. The base of this multi-tiered pyramid contains a masonry-built superstructure. The plaza level is reached by an outstanding central staircase that ascends to the summit temple. The multi-chambered temple's three entrances are divided between two pillars.

Kinichna acropolis

The Xibalba Plaza may be seen from the back of the Temple of the Cormorants, which is situated next to it. It can be reached by stairs on the building's northwest side. The focal point of this plaza complex is the Temple of the Owl, Structure I. It is a massive pyramid with Peten-style construction. A wide, central staircase ascends to a temple with numerous chambers. Via interior stairs, a tomb of a powerful woman from the late 5th century was discovered here.

Kinichna is located close to Dzibanche and is often visited in conjunction with it. Its most notable structure is a massive pyramid, believed to have been a royal residential complex. This pyramid, which visitors can climb, offers views over the surrounding jungle.

The name "Kinichna" means "House of the Sun" in Mayan. This site dates to the same period as Dzibanche, and there may have been close connections between the two cities.

The Kinichna Group is situated along a side road and behind the visitor center. The main building is a massive platform base with a three-level acropolis within it. It is a striking early classical building surrounded by trees in a tiny plaza with low platforms in front of it. There were two royal graves inside the building. A stucco Kin/Sun sign on the back of this building serves as the group's moniker. It was worth the quick drive.

The general public cannot access the Lamay group. Its main body is supported by a tall platform foundation. To the south of Dzibanche is where you'll find the Tutil Group. The Temple of the Paired Pilasters, the principal building, exemplifies peculiar Rio Bec-style architecture.

Archaeological excavation and restoration work at Dzibanche and Kinichna started in the late 20th century, and both sites have been opened to tourism. However, due to their remote locations in the dense jungle of Quintana Roo, they are less frequently visited than some of the more famous sites in Yucatan, such as Tulum or Chichen Itza. This can make a visit to Dzibanche and Kinichna a unique experience, offering a sense of the grandeur and mystery of the ancient Maya civilization without the crowds found at more accessible sites.

 

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5. KOCHUNLICH

Kohunlich is a large archaeological site of the ancient Maya civilization, located in the Mexican state of Quintana Roo, in the Yucatán Peninsula. The city was first settled around 200 BC, but most of the buildings now visible were built in the Early Classic Period, from about AD 250 to 600.

The site was originally named by archaeologists after the nearby modern town of X-làabch'e'en, which means "old water" in the Maya language. The current name, Kohunlich, is a corruption of the English name "Cohoon Ridge," referring to the cohoon palm, a local tree species.

Kohunlich covers about 21 acres and surrounds a central plaza. The city's buildings were constructed from limestone, and many of them are quite well preserved. One of the most famous structures at the site is the Temple of the Masks, which gets its name from the large stucco masks that decorate its facade. These masks, each over 1.5 meters high, are remarkably well preserved, offering a unique insight into ancient Maya art and symbolism.

Other significant structures at Kohunlich include the Palace of the Stelae, the Plaza of the Acropolis, and the Plaza of the Stepped Pyramids. The city also has a number of residential buildings, showing that it was once a thriving urban center.

Kohunlich is particularly notable for its well-preserved residential area and its advanced system of urban design and water management. The city includes a number of large platforms that were once topped by residential buildings, indicating that it was home to a substantial population. The city's inhabitants also created an intricate system of channels and cisterns to control the flow of water and conserve it during the dry season.

Present Status: Kohunlich is relatively off the beaten path compared to more famous sites like Chichen Itza or Tulum, but it's a notable destination for those interested in Maya archaeology and history. The site is situated in a lush jungle setting, which adds to its appeal, and the preservation of its structures offers a vivid glimpse into the ancient Maya civilization.

The exact peak and decline periods of Kohunlich are still not definitively known, and the site continues to be an important focus of ongoing archaeological research.

 

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6. COBA PYRAMIDS

Nohoch Mul Pyramid, Cobá

Coba is an ancient Mayan city located in Quintana Roo state on the Yucatán Peninsula in Mexico. It was a major urban center during the Classic Period of Mayan civilization, which spanned from about 250 to 900 AD. At its peak, Coba may have had a population of over 50,000 people.

Key structures and features in Coba:

Nohoch Mul Pyramid: This is the tallest pyramid in Coba and one of the tallest in the Yucatán Peninsula, standing at about 42 meters (137 feet) high. It is also known as the "Great Pyramid.". A steep 120-step climb to the top of Nohoch Mul provides an expansive view of the surrounding jungle. Unlike many ancient sites in Mexico, as of my knowledge, as of September 2021, visitors are still allowed to climb this pyramid. However, rules can change, so it's best to check the current situation before planning a visit.

xai'be pyramid

Other Structures: The city of Coba includes several large pyramid structures and a variety of other buildings. There's the Church (La Iglesia), the second-tallest structure in Coba; the Ball Court (Juego de Pelota), where Mayans used to play a ceremonial ball game; and the Paintings Group (Grupo de las Pinturas), named for the traces of colored murals found there. There's also a series of raised stone paths known as sacbeob (plural of sacbe) that connect the central areas of the city to outlying structures and nearby cities.

Sacbeob (White Roads): One of the distinctive features of Coba is its network of sacbeob, or "white roads.". These raised causeways were built of stone and covered in white plaster, and they connected the various parts of the city and linked Coba to other Mayan sites in the region. The longest sacbe in Coba extends over 100 kilometers (62 miles) to the site of Yaxuna. These sacbeobs are a testament to the engineering skills of the ancient Maya.

Stelae: Coba is known for its large stone slabs, known as stelae, which are carved with glyphs and images. These stelae were often used to commemorate significant events or the lives of important individuals.

In 1973, Cobá's archeological site was finally made accessible to the general public. Although there are thought to be 6,000 structures there, only three communities are accessible to the general public. Coba is not a single site like Chichen Itza, Ek Balam, or even Tulum; rather, it is a huge collection of monuments linked by more than 16 Mayan ceremonial "white roads" (sacbéob), all of which are related to the central pyramid.

Nohoch Mul Pyramid, Cobá

The group that is furthest away from the entryway is the Nohoch Group. The reason it is featured here first is because this group includes Ixmoja, the highest pyramid at Coba, which is around 138 feet (42 meters) tall. The highest pyramid in northern Yucatan is reached after a dizzying 112 stairs (others claim 130).

La Iglesia, or the Church, is the most significant of the buildings that have been unearthed and consolidated in the Acropolis. La Iglesia, Structure B-1, which has a height of over 72 feet (24 meters) and was constructed and added upon over several centuries beginning in the Early Classic, is the second tallest pyramid at the location. It has nine tiers and a tiny post-classic temple on top. It is located at the rear of Courtyard A, an open courtyard that faces west and overlooks the plaza and Lake Coba. Regrettably, climbing the pyramid is no longer possible.

Muuch'il Boonilo ob (Painting Complex) in Coba.

The Paintings Group, which is predominately Post-Classic (1100–1450 A.D.), includes East Coast-style buildings like those in Tulum, Mayapan, and Chichen Itza. It has many buildings, the greatest of which is the Temple of the Paintings, Structure 1, which is gathered around a single plaza. It is a pyramidal building on the east side of the plaza that is topped by a tiny temple that has remnants of painted paintings. It stands 26 feet (8 meters) tall. The temple has a single room with two entryways on the west side serving as its main access points. On the north and south sides, there are other single entryways that can be observed.

A sizable plaza that is a component of the D Group is located just beyond the Ball Court. Several sacbeobs enter and go from this area. The main building, called Xai'be, is located at the east end of the plaza and means "crossroads" in Yucatec Maya. This four-tiered, conical-shaped structure with two medial moldings has been tastefully repaired. On the west side of the building, there is a staircase. A covered stela is situated in front of the staircase. It is incorrect to call this building an observatory.

Today, Coba is a popular tourist destination. Its remote location and extensive ruins make it a great spot for those interested in Mayan history and culture. The site is surrounded by two large lagoons, and the city's ruins are interspersed with dense jungle, adding to its beauty. The site also has a visitor center, which offers more information about the city and its history.

Coba remains an active site for archaeological research, with many structures still partially unexcavated or undiscovered, leaving much about the site and its history to be learned.

 

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7. cerros ruins

Cerros is a significant archaeological site associated with the ancient Maya civilization, located in northern Belize. Situated in Corozal Bay, it's notable for its pyramids, some of the earliest identified in the Maya world, which makes it a key site for understanding the transition from the Preclassic Period (2000 BC to AD 250) to the Classic Period (AD 250 to 900) of Maya history.

Historical Significance

Cerros was inhabited from about 400 BC to AD 400. The city reached its peak during the Late Preclassic Period, from around 50 BC to AD 150, during which time its population increased significantly and many of its most notable buildings were constructed.

This was a time of major social and political change in the Maya world. It is believed that a new religious ideology related to the worship of the Maya maize god was spreading throughout the region. The leaders of Cerros appear to have embraced this new ideology and used it to legitimize their authority, which is reflected in the city's architecture.

Main Structures

Cerros features several large pyramid temples, some of which are arranged around a central plaza. The largest of these is Structure 5C-2nd, which stands about 16 meters (52 feet) high. This pyramid is notable for its elaborate masks and other carvings, many of which represent aspects of Maya cosmology and the agricultural cycle.

Another significant structure at Cerros is the so-called "Temple of the Sacrificial Burial," which contains the tomb of a high-status individual. Many valuable artifacts were found in this tomb, including jade jewelry, ceramics, and shell inlays.

Decline and Abandonment

After about AD 150, the population of Cerros began to decline. By AD 400, the city had been largely abandoned. It's unclear why this happened, but it may have been due to a combination of political, economic, and environmental factors.

Today, Cerros is a popular tourist destination. Visitors can explore its ancient pyramids and plazas, learn about its history, and enjoy the beautiful surrounding landscape. The site also provides important insights into the early development of Maya civilization and the spread of new religious and political ideas during the Preclassic Period.

 

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8. lamanai ruins

Lamanai is a significant archaeological site of the ancient Maya civilization located in Belize, Central America. The site lies along the banks of the New River Lagoon and was continuously occupied for over 3,000 years, from around 1500 BC to the 17th century AD, which is unusually long for a Mesoamerican site.

The name Lamanai comes from the Maya term "Lama'an/ayin," which translates to "submerged crocodile." Given that there are several crocodiles living in the surrounding tropical rainforest, this name is appropriate.

Here are some highlights of Lamanai:

High Temple (N10-43): Also known as the Temple of the Jaguar, this is the tallest structure at Lamanai, reaching a height of approximately 33 meters (108 feet). From the top, you can get a stunning view of the surrounding jungle and the New River Lagoon.

Mask Temple (N9-56): Named for the enormous 13-foot stone masks that adorn it, this temple is among the site's most famous structures. The masks are believed to represent ancient Maya rulers deified as gods.

The Mask temple

Jaguar Temple (N10–9): This temple is named for the boxy jaguar masks that decorate its base. These are the first known examples of Maya art to depict the jaguar, an animal that was considered sacred by the Maya and other Mesoamerican cultures.

Residential and Public Structures: Besides the temples, Lamanai also includes various residential structures, plazas, a ball court for playing the Maya ball game, and a few Christian artifacts, including the remnants of two Spanish churches and a sugar mill, evidencing Spanish colonial presence in the area.

The Stele: Lamanai is home to the second-longest known text in the country, inscribed on a giant slab of stone known as a stela. These inscriptions provide valuable information about the city's history.

Lamanai's remote jungle setting, combined with the impressive ruins and the opportunity to see a wide array of wildlife, make it a popular destination for tourists.

The Jaguar temple

Unlike some other Maya sites, much of Lamanai has yet to be uncovered, which makes it an important site for ongoing archaeological research. The site's long period of occupation provides an extended record of the evolution of Maya culture and society.

 

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9. becan ruins

structure IX

Becán is an ancient Maya archaeological site located in the Mexican state of Campeche on the Yucatan Peninsula. The site was occupied from around 550 BC to AD 1200, but it reached its peak during the Late Classic period (AD 600–900). The name "Becán" is from the Yucatec Maya language and means "path of the serpent".

Site Layout and Architecture

Becán covers about 25 hectares and is surrounded by a moat, making it unique among Mayan sites. The moat is believed to have been both a defense mechanism and a symbol of Becán's political independence. Within the moat, the site is divided into several architecturally impressive complexes that include plazas, platforms, temples, and palaces.

The core of Becán consists of three main plazas, known as Plaza A, Plaza B, and Plaza C. Plaza B, the largest of the three, is surrounded by several impressive structures, including a large pyramid known as Structure IX (also referred to as Temple 9). This structure is about 32 meters (105 feet) tall and is one of the highest in the Rio Grande region.

Significant Features and Artifacts

structure VIII

One of the most significant structures at Becán is a tall pyramid temple known as Structure IX. This temple, which has been partially restored, is an excellent example of the Rio Bec architectural style, characterized by tall, narrow towers and elaborate façades.

Becán is also known for its stelae, carved stone monuments that were commonly erected in Maya cities. The stelae at Becán often depict the city's rulers and record significant events in their reigns.

Historical Importance and Modern Exploration

Becán was an important regional capital in the Rio Bec region during the Late Classic period. Its strategic location and defensive fortifications suggest that it was a significant political and military center.

Becán was first excavated by archaeologists in the 1930s, and significant research was conducted at the site in the 1970s. Despite these efforts, much of the site remains unexcavated, and there is still a lot to learn about its history and the people who lived there.

Today, Becán is a popular destination for tourists visiting the Yucatan Peninsula. Visitors can explore the site's impressive ruins, walk the ancient city's causeways, and climb to the top of Structure IX for a panoramic view of the surrounding jungle.

 

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10. balakmu Ruins

main pyramid Str D5-5 south group

Balamku is an archaeological site of the Maya civilization located in the Mexican state of Campeche, on the Yucatan Peninsula. The name Balamku means "Jaguar Temple" in the Yucatec Maya language.

Balamku was occupied from around 300 BC to AD 1000, with its peak in the Late Classic Period (AD 600–900), like many other cities in the region.

Significant Structures

The site features several pyramid structures and plazas, the most famous being the "Temple of the Three Lintels.". However, Balamku's most significant feature is a well-preserved frieze discovered in 1990 in one of its buildings, named Structure I.

This frieze is one of the longest and best-preserved stucco friezes in the Maya world. It extends about 16.8 meters (55 feet) in length and stands about 1.9 meters (6.2 feet) tall. The frieze features a series of 20 complex figures depicting the Maya creation myth and the establishment of rulership, all of which are represented within the mouth of a giant monster, often interpreted as the entrance to the underworld.

Archaeological Importance

Balamku's well-preserved frieze provides important insights into Maya cosmology, mythology, and the ideology of kingship. It's considered a key piece of evidence for understanding the beliefs and rituals of the ancient Maya.

Despite the significance of the frieze, much of Balamku remains unexplored, and the site continues to be an area of interest for archaeologists studying the Maya civilization.

Today, Balamku is open to the public and offers visitors the chance to see its extraordinary frieze and other ruins firsthand. It's less visited than larger, more famous Maya sites like Chichen Itza or Tulum, offering a quieter, more secluded experience. Visitors should be aware that, due to its relative remoteness, facilities at Balamku are somewhat limited.

 

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11. COPAN RUINS

Copán is one of the most significant archaeological sites of the ancient Maya civilization, located in western Honduras near the border with Guatemala. It was one of the most important cities of the Maya world, as well as one of the most beautiful, known for the intricacy of its art and the sophistication of its architecture and urban design.

Copán was occupied for more than two thousand years, from the Early Preclassic period (1500–900 BC) to the Postclassic period (AD 900–1500). The city reached its peak during the Classic period (AD 250–900), when it was the capital of a major Maya kingdom.

Hieroglyphic Stairway

One of the most impressive features of Copán is its hieroglyphic staircase, the longest text of ancient Maya hieroglyphic script ever discovered. The stairway is made up of thousands of individual glyphs, which together tell the dynastic history of the royal house of Copán.

Stelae

Temple 16

Copán is also known for its stelae—large stone slabs often covered with carvings and hieroglyphic text. The stelae at Copán are particularly noteworthy for their detailed and beautifully carved portraits of the city's rulers. Stela H, also known as the "Monument of the Moon," is one of the most famous of these, featuring a portrait of the 13th ruler of Copán, Waxaklajuun Ub'aah K'awiil.

Ball Court

The ball court at Copán is one of the largest and most impressive in the Maya world. The playing alley is flanked by sloping walls covered with intricate carvings, and the court is surrounded by a number of important buildings, including the Popol Nah (Council House).

Altar Q

This unique artifact is an important source of historical information about the site. The square-shaped altar is covered with the portraits of 16 rulers of Copán, depicted in chronological order.

Modern Exploration and Preservation

The ruins of Copán were rediscovered in the 19th century and have since been extensively studied and restored. The site is now a UNESCO World Heritage Site and one of the most popular tourist destinations in Honduras.

Despite extensive archaeological work, much of Copán remains unexcavated, and the site continues to be an important focus of ongoing research into the Maya civilization.

 

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The History of Writing; Tracing the Development of expressing Language by Systems of Markings

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by dimosthenis vasiloudis

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Protowriting, ideographic systems, or early mnemonic symbols came before more advanced writing systems in the evolution of writing in human societies (symbols or letters that make remembering them easier).

A subsequent development is true writing, in which the content of a spoken language is encoded so that another reader may reasonably reconstruct the identical utterance written down. It differs from proto-writing, which frequently forgoes recording grammatical words and affixes, making it harder or even impossible to reassemble the precise meaning intended by the writer unless a substantial amount of context is already known in advance.

Writing innovations

The idea that writing originated in a single civilization and was called "monogenesis" persisted for a long time. According to academics, all writing originated in Mesopotamia's ancient Sumer and spread around the world as a result of cultural diffusion. This argument holds that traders or merchants traveling between geographical locations passed on the idea of representing language by written signs, though perhaps not necessarily the specifics of how such a system operated.

The finding of ancient Mesoamerican scripts, far from Middle Eastern sources, demonstrated, however, that writing had been created more than once. In at least four ancient civilizations, including Mesopotamia (between 3400 and 3100 BCE), Egypt (about 3250 BCE), China (1200 BCE), and lowland portions of southern Mexico and Guatemala, writing may have independently originated (by 500 BCE).

Some academics have suggested that ancient Egypt "The earliest authentic examples of Egyptian writing differ from Mesopotamian writing in both structure and style, indicating that they must have emerged independently. Although there is still a chance that Mesopotamian "stimulus dispersion" occurred, the influence could not have extended beyond the dissemination of an idea."

Because there is no evidence of communication between ancient China and the Near Eastern literate civilizations, as well as because Mesopotamian and Chinese approaches to phonetic representation differ, it is thought that ancient Chinese characters are independent creations.

The Vinča symbols.

The Rongorongo script of Easter Island, the Vina symbols from about 5500 BCE, and the Indus script of the Bronze Age Indus Valley civilization are all controversial. Since none have been translated, it is unclear if they all represent real writing, protowriting, or something entirely different.

The earliest coherent texts date from around 2600 BCE, and Sumerian archaic (pre-cuneiform) writing and Egyptian hieroglyphs are usually regarded as the earliest authentic writing systems. Both developed out of their ancestors' proto-literate symbol systems between 3400 and 3100 BCE. The Proto-Elamite script belongs to roughly the same time frame.

writing methods

Writing systems are distinct from symbolic communication systems. For most writing systems, reading a text requires some knowledge of the spoken language that goes along with it. In contrast, it's not always necessary to have a prior understanding of a spoken language to use symbolic systems like information signs, paintings, maps, and mathematics. Every human group has its own language, which is thought by many to be a natural and essential aspect of mankind.

Writing system development has been intermittent, uneven, and delayed, and old oral communication systems have only been partially replaced. Writing systems generally develop more slowly after they are formed than their spoken counterparts and frequently preserve traits and idioms that have been lost to the spoken language.

Three writing standards are thought to apply to all writing systems. First, writing must be comprehensive; it must have a meaning or purpose, and it must make a point or be able to convey that message. Second, whether they are physical or digital, all writing systems must include some kind of symbol that can be created on a surface. In order to facilitate communication, the writing system's symbols must resemble spoken words or speech.

The greatest advantage of writing is that it gives society a way to regularly and thoroughly preserve information—something that the spoken word could not previously do as successfully. Writing enables communities to communicate knowledge, transmit information, and

stages of development

Sumer

An ancient civilization of southern Mesopotamia, is believed to be the place where written language was first invented around 3200 BCE.

Beginning with the Neolithic pottery phase, when clay tokens were used to keep track of particular quantities of animals or other goods, writing first appeared. These tokens were initially imprinted on the exterior of spherical clay envelopes, which were later used to keep them. Afterwards, flat tablets were gradually introduced in place of the tokens, and signs were recorded using a stylus. Towards the end of the fourth millennium BCE, Uruk was where actual writing was first discovered. Other areas of the Near East quickly followed.

The earliest recorded account of the development of writing is found in a poem from ancient Mesopotamia:

The Lord of Kulaba patted some clay and wrote on it like a tablet because the messenger's mouth was heavy and he couldn't repeat the message. It has never been possible to write on clay before.

Enmerkar and the King of Aratta, a Sumerian epic written around 1800 BCE

Although there is agreement among scholars as to the difference between prehistory and the history of early writing, there is disagreement as to when proto-writing became "real writing." The criteria are somewhat arbitrary. In the broadest sense, writing is a way of keeping track of information. It is made up of graphemes, which in turn can be made up of glyphs.

Many centuries of shattered inscriptions typically follow the advent of writing in a particular region. The presence of coherent texts in a culture's writing system is how historians determine a culture's "historicity".

Standard reconstruction of the development of writing. There is a possibility that the Egyptian script was invented independently from the Mesopotamian script.

A conventional "proto-writing to true writing" system follows a general series of developmental stages:

Picture writing system: glyphs (simplified pictures) directly represent objects and concepts. In connection with this, the following substages may be distinguished:

• Mnemonic: glyphs primarily as a reminder.

• Pictographic: glyphs directly represent an object or a concept such as (A) chronological, (B) notices, (C) communications, (D) totems, titles, and names, (E) religious, (F) customs, (G) historical, and (H) biographical.

• Ideographic: graphemes are abstract symbols that directly represent an idea or concept.

Pre-cuneiform tags, with drawing of goat or sheep and number (probably "10"): "Ten goats", Al-Hasakah, 3300–3100 BCE, Uruk culture.

Transitional system: graphemes refer not only to the object or idea that it represents but to its name as well.

• Phonetic system: graphemes refer to sounds or spoken symbols, and the form of the grapheme is not related to its meanings. This resolves itself into the following substages:

• Verbal: grapheme (logogram) represents a whole word.

• Syllabic: grapheme represents a syllable.

• Alphabetic: grapheme represents an elementary sound.

Designs on some of the labels or token from Abydos, carbon-dated to circa 3400–3200 BC and among the earliest form of writing in Egypt. They are remarkably similar to contemporary clay tags from Uruk, Mesopotamia.

The best known picture writing system of ideographic or early mnemonic symbols are:

• Jiahu symbols, carved on tortoise shells in Jiahu, c. 6600 BCE

• Vinča symbols (Tărtăria tablets), c. 5300 BCE[24]

• Early Indus script, c. 3100 BCE

In the Old World, true writing systems developed from neolithic writing in the Early Bronze Age (4th millennium BC).

Locations and timeframes

Comparative evolution

from pictograms to abstract shapes, in Mesopotamian cuneiforms, Egyptian hieroglyphs and Chinese characters

Proto-writing

The first writing systems of the Early Bronze Age were not a sudden invention. Rather, they were a development based on earlier traditions of symbol systems that cannot be classified as proper writing, but have many of the characteristics of writing. These systems may be described as "proto-writing". They used ideographic or early mnemonic symbols to convey information, but it probably directly contained no natural language. These systems emerged in the early Neolithic period, as early as the 7th millennium BC, and include:

• The Jiahu symbols found carved in tortoise shells in 24 Neolithic graves excavated at Jiahu, Henan province, northern China, with radiocarbon dates from the 7th millennium BCE. Most archaeologists consider these not directly linked to the earliest true writing.

• Vinča symbols, sometimes called the "Danube script", are a set of symbols found on Neolithic era (6th to 5th millennia BCE) artifacts from the Vinča culture of Central Europe and Southeast Europe.

• The Dispilio Tablet of the late 6th millennium may also be an example of proto-writing.

• The Indus script, which from 3500 BCE to 1900 BCE was used for extremely short inscriptions.

The Dispilio Tablet

The Dispilio tablet is a wooden tablet bearing inscribed markings, unearthed during George Hourmouziadis's excavations of Dispilio in Greece, and carbon 14-dated to 5202 (± 123) BC.

It was discovered in 1993 in a Neolithic lakeshore settlement that occupied an artificial island near the modern village of Dispilio on Lake Kastoria in Kastoria, Western Macedonia, Greece.

Even after the Neolithic, a number of societies used proto-writing as a transitional form before adopting formal writing. Such a mechanism might have existed in the quipu of the Incas (15th century CE), often known as "talking knots". Another example is the pictographs created by Uyaquk before the Central Alaskan Yup'ik language developed the Yugtun syllabary around 1900.

Ancient writing

The Bronze Age saw the development of writing in a wide range of cultures. Indus script, Egyptian hieroglyphs, Cretan hieroglyphs, Chinese logographs, Sumerian cuneiform writing, and the Olmec script of Mesoamerica are a few examples. Around 1600 BCE, the Chinese script most likely evolved apart from the Middle Eastern scripts. It is also generally accepted that the pre-Columbian Mesoamerican writing systems, which include the Olmec and Maya scripts, had separate origins. In 2000 BCE, it is believed that the first real alphabetic writing was created for Hebrew laborers in the Sinai by assigning Semitic values to mostly Egyptian hieratic characters (see History of the alphabet and Proto-Sinaitic alphabet).

Ethiopia's Geez writing system is regarded as Semitic. With roots in the Meroitic Sudanese ideogram system, it is most likely of semi-independent origin. The majority of alphabets used today are either direct descendants of this one invention, many through the Phoenician alphabet, or were designed in direct response to it. The early Old Italic alphabet and Plautus (c. 750–250 BCE) were separated by around 500 years in Italy, while the Elder Futhark inscriptions and early works like the Abrogans (c. 200–750 CE) are separated by a similar amount of time in the case of the Germanic peoples.

Cuneiform writing

The first Sumerian script was derived from a system of clay tokens used to denote different types of goods. This had developed into a system of keeping accounts by the end of the fourth millennium BC, utilizing a stylus with a circular form that was impressed into soft clay at various angles to record numbers. A pointed stylus was used to gradually add pictographic lettering on this to show what was being counted. Writing using a wedge-shaped stylus (hence the name "cuneiform") began to include phonetic features by the 29th century BCE and gradually replaced writing with a round stylus and a sharp stylus by about 2700–2500 BCE.

Cuneiform first started to represent Sumerian syllables around 2600 BCE. Ultimately, cuneiform writing evolved into a general-purpose system for writing numerals, syllables, and logograms. This alphabet was adapted to the Akkadian language starting in the 26th century BCE, and from there to others like Hurrian and Hittite. This writing system resembles Old Persian and Ugaritic scripts in appearance.

Hieroglyphics from Egypt

Literacy was concentrated among a well-educated elite of scribes, who played a crucial role in upholding the Egyptian empire through writing. To become scribes in the employ of temple, royal (pharaonic), and military authority, one had to come from a certain background.

According to Geoffrey Sampson, the general concept of expressing words from a language in writing was likely transmitted to Egypt via Sumerian Mesopotamia. Egyptian hieroglyphs "came into being a little after Sumerian script, and, possibly [were], invented under the influence of the latter." Despite the significance of early Egypt-Mesopotamia links, "no definitive judgment has been established as to the genesis of hieroglyphics in ancient Egypt" due to the lack of direct evidence. However, it is stated and agreed upon that "a very compelling argument can also be made for the independent development of writing in Egypt" and that "the evidence for such direct influence remains fragile."

Egyptian writing does suddenly appear at that time, but Mesopotamia has an evolutionary history of sign usage in tokens dating back to around 8000 BCE. Since the 1990s, discoveries of glyphs at Abydos, dated to between 3400 and 3200 BCE, may challenge the conventional idea that the Mesopotamian symbol system predates the Egyptian one. These glyphs were discovered in tomb U-J at Abydos; they were written on ivory and most likely served as labels for other items discovered there.

Even though he acknowledged that Egypt's geographic location made it a receptacle for many influences, Egyptian scholar Gamal Mokhtar maintained that the inventory of hieroglyphic symbols originated from "fauna and flora used in the signs [which] are essentially African" and that in regards to writing, "we have seen that a purely Nilotic, therefore African origin not only is not excluded, but probably reflects the reality."

Elamite writing

The unintelligible Proto-Elamite writing first appears around 3100 BCE. Around the latter third millennium, it is thought to have evolved into Linear Elamite, which was later supplanted by Elamite Cuneiform, which was adapted from Akkadian.

Indus script

Most inscriptions containing these symbols are extremely short, making it difficult to judge whether or not these symbols constituted a writing system used to record the as yet unidentified language(s) of the Indus Valley civilisation.

The Indus script has been assigned to markings and symbols discovered at numerous Indus Valley civilization sites due to the hypothesis that they were used to transcribe the Harappan language. It is disputed whether the script, which was in use from roughly 3500 to 1900 BCE, is a Bronze Age writing script (logographic-syllabic) or merely proto-writing symbols. According to analysis, it was written in boustrophedon or from right to left.

early SEMITIC ALPHABETS

Around 1800 BCE in Ancient Egypt, the first "abjads," which mapped individual symbols to individual phonemes but not necessarily each phoneme to a symbol, appeared as a representation of the language created there by Semitic workers. However, by that time, alphabetic principles had only a remote chance of being ingrained into Egyptian hieroglyphs for upwards of a millennium.

Did the Proto-Canaanite alphabet take its symbols independently of the hieroglyphs?

It is only until the end of the Bronze Age that the Proto-Sinaitic script separates into the Proto-Canaanite alphabet (c. 1400 BCE), Byblos syllabary, and the South Arabian alphabet (c. 1200 BCE). These early abjads remained of minor significance for several decades. The untranslated Byblos syllabary most likely had some influence on the Proto-Canaanite, which in turn provided inspiration for the Ugaritic alphabet (c. 1300 BCE).

Anatolian hieroglyphs

The Hieroglyphic Luwian language was written down using Anatolian hieroglyphs, a native hieroglyphic script found in western Anatolia. Around the fourteenth century BCE, it initially appeared on royal seals of the Luwians.

Chinese characters

The corpus of inscriptions on oracle bones and brass from the late Shang dynasty is the earliest authenticated example of the Chinese script that has been found so far. The oldest of these is believed to date from about 1200 BCE.

There have been recent finds of tortoise-shell carvings from around 6000 BCE, such as Jiahu Script and Banpo Script, but it is debatable whether or not the carvings are complex enough to be considered writing. 3,172 cliff carvings from the period between 6000 and 5000 BCE have been found near Damaidi in the Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region. They contain 8,453 different characters, including images of the sun, moon, stars, gods, and scenes of grazing or hunting.

Replica

of ancient Chinese script on an oracle turtle shell

These pictographs are thought to resemble the first Chinese characters that have been confirmed to be written. Writing in China would predate Mesopotamian cuneiform, traditionally recognized as the first manifestation of writing, by about 2,000 years if it were to be considered a written language. However, it is more likely that the inscriptions represent a type of proto-writing, comparable to the modern European Vinca script.

Early Greek and Cretan scripts

Cretan relics include hieroglyphic writing (early-to-mid-2nd millennium BCE, MM I to MM III, overlapping with Linear A from MM IIA at the earliest). The Mycenaean Greek writing system, Linear B, has been decoded, but Linear A has not yet been. The three overlapping, but distinct, writing systems can be categorized according to their chronological order and geographic distribution as follows:

• Cretan Hieroglyphic / Crete (eastward from the Knossos-Phaistos axis) / c. 2100−1700 BCE

• Linear A / Crete (except extreme southwest), Aegean Islands (Kea, Kythera, Melos, Thera), Greek mainland (Laconia) and west Minor Asia (Miletus and maybe Troy) / c. 1800−1450 BCE

• Linear B / Crete (Knossos), and mainland (Pylos, Mycenae, Thebes, Tiryns) / c. 1450−1200 BCE

The archaeological finds with signs of pre-alphabetic scripts in the Aegean

(Up) The finds with signs of Linear B script reach about 6,000 and constitute the majority of the pre-alphabetic written monuments of the Aegean.

(Middle) About 1,400 are the finds which imprint Linear A and make up a 11% of all pre-alphabetic inscriptions.

(Down) Cretan hieroglyphics occupies 2% of the available finds with only 400 finds.

Illustration: Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

Mesoamerica

The Cascajal Block, a stone slab with 3,000-year-old writing that predates the first Zapotec writing from around 500 BCE, was found in the Mexican state of Veracruz. It is an example of the oldest script in the Western Hemisphere.

Stela 12 and 13

from the southern end of Building L, in the Zapotec city of Monte Albán, Outside of Oaxaca, Mexico.

The Maya script is one of numerous pre-Columbian scripts found in Mesoamerica, and it appears to have been the most well-developed and extensively deciphered. The earliest clearly identifiable Maya inscriptions date to the third century BCE, and writing continued to be used until just before the arrival of the Spanish conquistadors in the sixteenth century BCE. A combination of logograms and syllabic symbols, utilized in Maya writing, is somewhat reminiscent of current Japanese writing.

IRON AGE WRITING

The Proto-Canaanite alphabet, which was used into the Iron Age, is all that the Phoenician alphabet is (conventionally taken from a cut-off date of 1050 BCE). The Greek and Aramaic alphabets were derived from this alphabet. They eventually gave rise to the writing systems that are currently used everywhere from Western Asia to Africa and Europe. The Greek alphabet, on the other hand, was the first to use specific symbols to represent vowel sounds.

By Matt Baker

In the first centuries of the Common Era, the Greek and Latin alphabets gave rise to a number of European scripts, including the Runes, Gothic, and Cyrillic alphabets, while the Aramaic alphabet developed into the Hebrew, Arabic, and Syriac abjads, the latter of which spread as far as Mongolian script. The Ge'ez abugida originated from the South Arabian alphabet. According to some academics, the Indian Brahmic family also descended from the Aramaic alphabet.

GRAKLIANI HILL WRITING

At Georgia's Grakliani Hill, behind a fallen altar from a temple dedicated to a fertility goddess from the seventh century BCE, an obscure script was uncovered in 2015. Grakliani's other temples' inscriptions, which depict animals, people, or decorative features, are different from these ones. Although its letters are rumored to be connected to ancient Greek and Aramaic, the script has no similarities to any known alphabet. In contrast, the earliest Armenian and Georgian letters come from the fifth century CE, right after the respective nations converted to Christianity. The inscription looks to be the oldest local alphabet ever uncovered in the entire Caucasus region. An portion of the inscription measuring 31 by 3 inches had been unearthed by September 2015.

Grakliani script on the basement of altar of goddess of fertility (XI-X c. BC)

Vakhtang Licheli, director of the State University's Institute of Archaeology, claims that "The writings on the temple's two altars have been kept in remarkably good condition. While the pedestal of the second altar is entirely covered with writings, the first altar has few clay letters carved into it." Unpaid students made the discovery. Inscriptions from Grakliani Hill were sent to Miami Laboratory in 2016 for beta analytic radiocarbon dating, which revealed that they were created between c. 1005 and c. 950 BCE.

WRITING IN THE GRECO-ROMAN WORLD

When the Greeks adopted the Phoenician script for use with their own language in the early eighth century BCE, the history of the Greek alphabet officially began. The Greek and Phoenician alphabets share a lot of similarities in terms of their characters, and both alphabets nowadays are written in the same order. The Phoenician system's adapter(s) added three letters to the conclusion of the series, known as the "supplementals." The Greek alphabet evolved into a number of different forms.

Early Greek alphabet on pottery in the National Archaeological Museum, Athens

One was utilized in southern Italy and west of Athens and is known as Western Greek or Chalcidian. The other variant, known as Eastern Greek, was spoken by the Athenians and in modern-day Turkey before spreading over the rest of the Greek-speaking world. The Greeks initially elected to write like the Phoenicians, from right to left, but subsequently switched to left to right. The lines would then alternately read from left to right, then from right to left, and so on. On occasion, though, the writer would begin the next line where the preceding one ended. Up until the sixth century, this style of writing, called "boustrophedon," mirrored the course of an ox-drawn plough.

Italic scripts and Latin

Cippus Perusinus

Etruscan writing near Perugia, Italy, the precursor of the Latin alphabet

All of the contemporary European scripts have their roots in Greek. The Latin alphabet, named after the Latins, a central Italian people who came to rule Europe with the emergence of Rome, is the most widely used descendant of the Greek script. Around the fifth century BCE, the Etruscan civilization, which employed a multitude of Italic scripts descended from the western Greeks, taught the Romans how to write. The other Old Italic scripts have not survived in very large quantities due to the cultural hegemony of the Roman state, and the Etruscan language is largely extinct.

WRITING DURING THE MIDDLE AGES

Roman rule in Western Europe fell apart, and the Persian Empire and the Eastern Roman Empire became the main centers of literary development. Latin, which was never a major literary language, lost prominence quickly (except within the Roman Catholic Church). Greek and Persian were the two main literary languages, but Syriac and Coptic were also significant.

Arabic quickly became a significant literary language in the area as a result of the development of Islam in the 7th century. Greek's status as a scholarly language soon lost ground to Arabic and Persian. The Turkish and Persian languages now use Arabic script as their principal writing system. The development of the cursive scripts for Greek, the Slavic languages, Latin, and other languages was also greatly inspired by this script.

The Hindu-Arabic numeral system was also extended throughout Europe thanks to the Arabic language. The modern Spanish city of Cordoba had emerged as one of the world's leading intellectual hubs by the start of the second millennium and was home to the largest library at the time. Its location at the meeting point of the Islamic and Western Christian worlds encouraged intellectual growth and written exchange between the two cultures.

THE MODERN ERA AND THE RENAISSANCE

By the 14th century, Western Europe had experienced a renaissance, which had temporarily increased the significance of Greek while slowly restoring Latin's status as an important literary language. In Eastern Europe, particularly in Russia, a comparable but smaller emergence took place. As the Islamic Golden Era came to an end, Arabic and Persian also started to slowly lose ground. In order to codify the phonologies of the various languages, the Latin alphabet underwent several alterations as a result of the rebirth of literary development in Western Europe.

Writing has undergone steady change throughout history, in large part because of the emergence of new technologies. Technology advancements such as the printing press, computer, mobile phone, and pen have all changed how and what is written as well as the medium in which it is generated. Characters can now be generated with a button press rather than a hand motion, especially with the development of digital technology like the computer and the smartphone.

The rope bridges of the Incas: The ancient technology that united Andean communities fades into history

A remarkable ancient technology and tradition that united communities in the Andes is fading into history.

Reconstruction of the Tinkuqchaka bridge is here almost complete.

Cirilo Vivanco

By LIDIO VALDEZ AND CIRILO VIVANCO

ONE EARLY JANUARY morning in the mid-1980s after a daylong journey from Ayacucho (formerly “Guamanga”), I (Lidio) found myself being guided across a small rope bridge hanging across the Pampas River. This was my first experience on such a bridge, made with an astonishing ancient technology that uses twisted branches to form a crossing. Although it looked to be only about 20 meters long, the bridge, called Chuschichaka, was beautiful: a reminder of ancient times, when similar bridges existed along trails and roads that linked the Inca Empire.

From the town of Chuschi, where I started my journey that day, my destination of Sarhua seemed to be just nearby. But because of the rugged landscape, the trip was long and exhausting: It took hours to hike the distance, with the rope bridge in the middle. At last, our team arrived in Sarhua and was welcomed by the community with food, drinks, music, and dance. Their hospitality made our visit an incredible and unforgettable experience.

My mission at that time as an archaeologist was to investigate ancient agricultural terraces in the region. As I prepared for my work, I was told that there was an important activity taking place that day: the reconstruction of a larger bridge nearby called Tinkuqchaka.

Except for a few older and younger people who were staying in the town, most community members were already on their way to the site of Tinkuy (a name that means “a place to meet,” “a place to play,” or “a place to fight”) to take part in bridge reconstruction. Sadly, I could not spare the time to attend, though I would hear all about such work later from my friend and colleague—anthropologist Cirilo Vivanco (co-author), who is originally from Sarhua.

When I left the community three days later in the early hours of the morning, Tinkuqchaka was not yet finished. We crossed the partially constructed bridge by flashlight, holding the handrails tightly.

THE ANCIENT PRACTICE of making hanging bridges has existed for a long time in Peru—perhaps going back as far as the Wari culture, which thrived from A.D. 600–1000. At one time, dozens of such bridges are thought to have connected communities across gorges and rivers. Today only a few remain, mainly for the sake of tourists, and even they are falling into disrepair. Just this April, the most famous of them—Queshuachaca, near the former Inca capital of Cuzco—collapsed from lack of maintenance.

The global appreciation of the hanging bridges of the Andes goes a long way back. In 1877, American archaeologist E. George Squier published Peru: Incidents of Travel and Exploration in the Land of the Incas, in which he devoted a few pages to the great hanging bridge over the Apurímac River on the main road to Cuzco. The bridge was built over a gigantic valley, enclosed by enormous and steep mountains. The over 40-meters-long structure, entirely made of plant materials, was hung from massive cliffs on both sides. To Squier, the bridge looked like a mere thread, a frail and swaying structure, yet frequently crossed by people and animals, the latter carrying loads on their backs. Travelers timed their day’s journey to reach the bridge in the early hours of the day before the strong winds came that made the bridge sway “like a gigantic hammock.”

This drawing from American archaeologist E. George Squier’s 1877 book on Peru shows a rope bridge over the Apurímac River.

E. George Squier/Wikimedia Commons

Squier was very impressed, saying that his crossing was an experience he “shall never forget.” His description and accompanying image of the bridge no doubt captured the imagination of everyone who got ahold of Peru: Incidents of Travel and Exploration in the Land of the Incas—including American explorer Hiram Bingham, famous for reporting the existence of the spectacular Inca city of Machu Picchu to a global audience in 1911. According to historians, one of the reasons Bingham decided to go to Peru in the first place was precisely the illustration of the Apurímac hanging bridge he saw in Squier’s book.

Long before Squier, Spaniards were impressed with the Inca hanging bridges too. Early Spaniards, such as Pedro de Cieza de León, were fascinated. But the arrival of the Spaniards had devastating effects for local Indigenous peoples. Europeans brought diseases that decimated the Indigenous populations. Communities were reduced or totally deserted. Spaniards’ interest in precious minerals, such as gold and silver, also switched the efforts of Indigenous peoples to other activities, often leaving unattended other communal obligations, such as building the bridges.

Tinkuqchaka was one of the few bridges to survive into the 2000s.

THREE YEARS AFTER my first trip to Sarhua, I was back again, this time on a mission to register the archaeological sites scattered around Sarhua along with Cirilo, as we recently published in the Journal of Anthropological Research. On our way, we crossed Tinkuqchaka again and bathed in the Pampas River below the bridge.

As we watched the bridge swaying delicately over the river, Cirilo told me about how Tinkuqchaka, being built entirely of plant material, required annual maintenance and a total renewal every two years. He told me, too, how the community, including himself, came together to do this. From my conversations with Cirilo, the story of this touching activity became clear to me.

Catherine Gilman/SAPIENS

Following ancient Andean ideals, the community of Sarhua is divided into two groups or ayllus. One of the ayllus is regarded as local while the other is said to be made up of “outsiders,” perhaps the descendants of peoples who were relocated by the Inca from elsewhere within the Inca realm. Both ayllus coexist side by side, and it is believed that such a division is necessary to maintain a balance needed for the well-being of the community. Sarhua residents do not usually highlight their group membership, except during communal activities like the bridge rebuilding.

One person, named by the community, is responsible for looking after the bridge. As in Incan times, the title of this person is chakakamayuq. Bridge renewal begins with a notification by the chakakamayuq to the community, which begins collecting the necessary construction material—the branches of a bush named pichus. Then, on a specified day, community members descend from Sarhua, carrying on their shoulders pichus branches to Tinkuy.

Kumumpampa, an open space found near the bridge, is the gathering place. At this location, both ayllus take their respective positions, the local ayllu closer to Sarhua and the ayllu of outsiders closer to the Pampas River, symbolically distant from Sarhua. After necessary logistical discussions, the ayllus exchange jokes and challenge each other, thus making the whole activity an entertainment or spectacle. For the participants, it is a competition between the two ayllus but also a game, time to play and time to tease and mock the opposition.

The task ahead for both ayllus is, first, to produce 23 ropes 100 meters long, called aqaras, from the pichus branches. Bundles of nine pichus branches are tied together and braided. The ayllu that produces more ropes will be declared the winner. Defeat is shameful, and thus both ayllus strategize to ensure victory. This is largely a male activity, but women of both ayllus are engaged by preparing meals and cheering for their respective side, mocking the men of the opposite ayllu.

Community members work hard to secure the heavy cables.

Cirilo Vivanco

Producing the aqaras is only the first challenge. The second task is to produce five thicker cables from the aqaras. This is a more difficult job. Starting at a middle point, teams from the ayllus build half of the cable working outward, again in competition. Experienced members are in charge, while younger members observe, fully aware that in the future it will be their turn. At the end, one of the ayllus emerges the winner and is celebrated with loud shouts. Victory is sweet and joyful, while defeat is ugly, painful, and agonizing.

Upon completing the five cables, work shifts to the edge of the river, on either side of which stands a stone tower. Members of the outsider ayllu cross to the opposite side of the river using the old bridge for one last time; then the old bridge is cut at both ends and is carried downstream by the Pampas River, thus marking the end of a cycle and reinforcing, temporarily, the separation of the outsiders.

The whole task of completing the bridge takes about five days.

The renewal of Tinkuqchaka illustrates the complementary role of the ayllus and their necessary reunion for the vitality of the community. Local ayllu members throw ropes to the opposite bank of the river, retaining one end in their hands. Since bridge construction takes place during the rainy season, when the river carries lots of water, this is not an easy task. The local ayllu ties the rope to the first thick cable so it can be pulled across the river. The cables are as thick as a person’s body, made of wet branches and heavy. It takes hours to pull the five cables across the river and tie each securely behind the stone tower on the far side.

Three cables, pulled taut and horizontal, become the base of the bridge over which small sticks are laid transversely and fastened to the cables by cords. Two smaller cables become the handrails.

The whole task of completing the bridge takes about five days, during which time the entire community remains at Tinkuy. While the days are spent working, evenings are time to socialize, drink, sing, and dance, and thus renew the sense of community. The community, aware of the historical significance of the bridge, is also proud of being responsible for carrying forward this tradition.

THE TECHNOLOGY EMPLOYED to build Tinkuqchaka appears to be ancient. The manner by which the bridge is built perhaps also resembles ancient customs. No one knows for sure. The fact that communities such as Sarhua are capable of undertaking such impressive construction and engineering feats shows the power of unified action.

There is the possibility that hanging bridges predate the Inca Empire. Large sections of the Inca royal highway already existed before the Incas, and along the same roads, there were several river crossings, thus suggesting that the bridge technology already existed. Demonstrating this possibility, of course, is not easy. There are no written records from this time, and the plant material of the bridges left no archaeological traces.

The hanging bridge constitutes an important symbol of the technology developed by the forebears of the Indigenous peoples of this region (including myself and Cirilo). In a perfect world, it would be rightfully considered a monument to the creativity and imagination of the Indigenous peoples of the Andes and maintained to showcase to the world this unique achievement of unknown origins.

The local and outsider ayllus gather on opposite sides of the river.

Cirilo Vivanco

Of course, there is no such perfect world, and decision-makers have other priorities. As Andean philosophy teaches, everything has an end. The hanging bridges are not an exception.

For the residents of Sarhua, a cable bridge was built in 1992 that effectively ended the biennial construction of the rope bridges. In 2007, a larger bridge that could carry cars was built. Tinkuqchaka was made anew in 2010 and reconstructed for the last time in 2014 for the sake of tourism. The local youth seem uninterested in renewing the tradition.

It appears we have come to witness the end of something wonderful, unique, and to foreign eyes, spectacular. Something that was present almost everywhere in this region is fading away forever, and some of us who had the fortune to see and walk on these bridges sometimes took them for granted, without realizing that within our lifetime an important chapter of Andean history was coming to an end.

Archaeologists plan to fully restore ancient Mayan temples

Archaeologists from the Mexican National Institute of Anthropology and History began restoration work on an ancient Mayan temple in the Dzibilchaltun archaeological site in eastern Mexico.

Watch the video below: